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	<pubDate>Mon, 17 Jan 2022 13:18:35 +0000</pubDate>
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		<title>OPEN LETTER TO REM KOOLHAAS &#38; THE GUGGENHEIM MUSEUM</title>
				
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CONTACT







January 17, 2022



&#38;nbsp;



Rem Koolhaas 



AMO/OMA 



Weena-Zuid 158



3012 NC 



Rotterdam, the Netherlands




RE: THE WRITING ON THE WALL&#38;nbsp; 



Call to Stop Cultural Appropriation, Race-Shifting, &#38;amp;
Self-Indigenization 


in the Guggenheim’s&#38;nbsp;COUNTRYSIDE, THE FUTURE Exhibition




 


To Rem Koolhaas and the
Guggenheim Museum:&#38;nbsp;




We demand that you and the
Curatorial Team of the Countryside, The
Future issue a public apology for the ignorant and racist claims to
self-indigenization exhibited on the walls at the Solomon R. Guggenheim
Museum between February 20, 2020 and February 15, 2021.






Secondly, we demand that
you immediately stop promoting the appropriation of Indigenous knowledge by non-Indigenous
architects, artists, and designers that systematically robs Indigenous Peoples
of their human rights and cultural sovereignties. The insidious practice of
cultural theft is a virus running wild across western spaces of art and architecture
that are broadly platformed by non-Indigenous institutions. This is not only an
ethical or political demand, but a legal one: under the auspices of the 2007 United
Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP)—originally signed
by the Netherlands and later endorsed by the United States—acknowledging, recognizing,
and upholding the sovereignty of Indigenous Peoples, these practices are
unacceptable. Any such forms of dispossession can no longer go unchecked; they
must be systematically accounted for and dismantled.



&#38;nbsp;Widespread throughout the exhibition and accompanying
publication are several strategies of dispossession premised on extraction,
erasure, and race-shifting. Not only are they the result of cultural extraction
of traditional Indigenous knowledge, but their content is premised on the systemic
erasure and evacuation of Indigenous Peoples, and the myth of white supremacy
that presumes everyone at some point in time and place was Native. This is
settler-colonial tradecraft.
&#38;nbsp;WARNING:
contains explicit language related to events that some readers may find&#38;nbsp; offensive and references to information that may be triggering.

























Cultural
Appropriation 



Is
Dispossession of Knowledge.
&#38;nbsp;






Nowhere are these strategies
made clearer than in the exhibition's platforming of self-indigenization.
The language of the exhibition’s PRESERVATION section is especially egregious:





“The second [model] proposes
a more intensive sharing/mixing of all our territories, as if we moderns could
become ‘indigenous’ again. (In fact, a quarter of the Earth’s surface is still
husbanded by indigenous populations.)”&#38;nbsp;


That you then reproduce these
white supremacist claims with romanticized images of the bloody botanical
expeditions of Alexander von Humboldt is cunning and vulgar. The
colonial cartographies of the Prussian naturalist in the exhibition not only gloss
over Humboldt’s scientific contributions, but uncritically reproduce the historical
myth of the dominance of European imperial science across the arts at the
expense of Indigenous knowledge. Humboldt rampaged through lands of Kechwa
Nations (and many more), stole lifetimes of sacred knowledge from Andean
healers and herbalists without any form of consent, and then mapped and sold
them internationally with great acclaim across Europe. Financed by descendants
of the same Spanish monarchy that funded the genocidal campaigns of Christopher
Columbus, Humboldt’s expeditions through the Andes were nothing short of pillage.
What happened on the ground was very different than what was reported on paper.
The map was never the territory.&#38;nbsp;




&#60;img width="1500" height="844" width_o="1500" height_o="844" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/09e41e563bb9ae2e298a62bb4fb1b723fabfc99a9fed3b5c4282a3a51ca196f1/-John-Hill-2020.jpg" data-mid="130486758" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/09e41e563bb9ae2e298a62bb4fb1b723fabfc99a9fed3b5c4282a3a51ca196f1/-John-Hill-2020.jpg" /&#62;PHOTO: © John Hill (reproduced by permission) 




Two centuries later, the
pattern is being repeated. Anglo-European reverence for Humboldt at once stems
from and obscures the litany of knowledge smuggled from the Americas and then repackaged
for the French, British, Dutch, Germans, and later the Americans. Like the
Countryside exhibition, Humboldt’s design is a roadmap for continuing the colonial
project of resource extraction and looting of Indigenous lands worldwide; the colonial
megastructure that originally served for the first slave plantations in
European colonies. Your exhibition is another link in the chain, recapitulating
Humboldt’s great unacknowledged claim to Indigenous knowledge neither gifted
nor granted, but mined and exploited over and over again. Taken without consent,
recognition, or royalty, Humboldt’s maps and the knowledge these encrypt are
like the collages on the circular walls of the Guggenheim Museum: a rotunda of extracted
intellectual ore.













































Indigenous Erasure is Dispossession of Identity &#38;amp; Humanity.






&#38;nbsp;



The general failure to
recognize the violence and aggression enacted and executed by your acts of
cultural appropriation and glib claims to self-indigenization is particularly
enraging, and perpetuates the very erasure and extraction animating the
exhibition. Carolyn Kormann’s March 9, 2020 coverage in The New Yorker (“Rem Koolhaas’
Journey to the Countryside”) amplifies your claims:






“The separation [between
preservation and development] would not necessarily be between pure nature and
the impure rest,” Koolhaas said, but instead would require the sharing and
mixing of territories, and for “people to behave like the indigenous cultures
that were able to inhabit spaces without destroying them.”






In the Guggenheim exhibition
as well as The New Yorker article, you double-down on glorifying Humboldt’s
redesign of Indigenous life and land into a colonial “cosmos”:






“This [geological,
botanical, and hydrological map of Humboldt], for me, represents maybe the most
inspiring form of collecting elements of nature, analyzing nature, and loving
nature … This is emblematic.” In 1810, “von Humboldt could still ‘discover’
unmolested nature; even when inhabited, indigenous peoples lived lives that
depended on nature without destroying it.”



And then finally, in the
same article, you insist on exploiting Indigenous strategies by slyly repeating
claims to self-indigenization and dismissing Indigeneity in the same breath,
shamelessly re-authorizing erasure from inside out:






“But to impose better
behavior on the entire world is equally tough. As if we moderns could become
indigenous again.”&#38;nbsp; 






This practice of
self-indigenization dates back centuries to colonial contact, where colonizers
and settlers assume Indigenous identity as a method of subsuming their enemies
in a way that historian Philip
J. Deloria calls “playing Indian.”
And yet, you do so without any political connection, community, relation, or
kin; as if identity is an interchangeable avatar, or that citizenship can be
self-claimed, or that nationhood can be disposed of at will.
Self-indigenization is the tip of the spear for European and American conceits
of white saviorship and its constitutive hyper-masculinity. It fails to
recognize—let alone honor—Indigenous Peoples as living, present, politically-organized
nations when they represent over 5% of the world’s population. Five million
Indigenous Peoples form part of over 500 tribal nations across what is known as
the United States, holding less than 2% of the 5.6 billion acres of lands that
were stolen. In essence, the erasure
of Indigenous Peoples in your one-year exhibition reveals the centuries-old racist
treatment of territorial identities, squeezed out of the countryside and out of
the consciousness of settlers. Is it not precisely the Euro-American concept of
nature and its trafficking of white nationalism that continually destroys
Indigenous worlds?






Race-Shifting



Is
Dispossession of Sovereignty. 






Furthermore, your casual
and careless use of the universalizing ‘we,’ ‘us,’ ‘our,’ (even the qualified
use of ‘ &#38;nbsp; ’ as an orthographic alibi, a
settler move to innocence) follows the age old mission civilisatrice of architecture: enclosure, assimilation, indoctrination
on the one side; incarceration, impoverishment, and eradication on the other. The
hegemonic use of a homogeneous ‘we’ is not only arrogant and presumptuous, but
also disingenuously assumes a wholesale consensus to fulfil a grand unifying
vision. As if ventriloquizing a majority opinion, the ‘we’ establishes a
position of cultural and intellectual superiority for the Curator, the Museum,
the Publisher, and the Research Universities that produced the content of the
exhibition and the book. By what process of community consultation, territorial
engagement, or intercultural dialogue do you dare assume this collective position?
Did you not stop to consider that your positionality as a self-styled
anthropologist was neither neutral nor objective? Worse, did you feel free from
all such obligations? Or did you simply not care?




Your disengagement from
communities of Black, Indigenous, and People of Color communicates purposeful
intent and bias. Rather than engaging in a process of consent and
consultation—a way of entering into relation with Indigenous Peoples, locally,
regionally, or internationally—the exhibition not only excludes Indigenous
participation, but completely suppresses two key pieces of international policy
of human rights: the 2007 United
Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and the entrenchment of the 2016 Principle
of Free,
Prior and Informed Consent&#38;nbsp;(FPIC) as a
“pre-requisite for any activity that affects ancestral lands, territories and
natural resources” and “to guarantee everyone’s right to self-determination”
that recognizes the sovereignty of Indigenous lands and traditions.






Moreover, not only does the
exhibition place Euro-American voices at the peak of an assumed cultural
discourse but, at the base of this intellectual mountain of yours, it entrenches
Eurocentric views, marginalizes alternative perspectives, and quashes dissenting
voices seeking to uproot the unequal distribution of wealth and unjust
conditions of labor underlying territorial exploitation. While no doubt the
masquerade of the Countryside exhibition serves well as a gigantic love letter
to the growing cabal of petty tyrants in tech, real estate, finance, and
government to build the next gigafactory, server farm, or mega-prison, the weaponization
of knowledge to your own ends is nothing less than greed, manipulation, and exploitation
on a massive scale. White skin, white walls, white lies. 






Let’s be clear:
self-indigenization is a direct assault on Indigenous humanities,
sovereignties, freedoms, and rights to self-determination. Settler-colonial
claims to Indigeneity—through the extraction of Indigenous culture and
knowledge—is nothing less than twenty-first century race-shifting: claiming and
assuming Indigenous identity through some primitivist proclivities without any
historical relations or current ties to Indigenous community or nationhood. Race
shifters, explains anthropologist
Circe Sturm, are “individuals who
have changed their racial self-identification … a form of appropriation, an
expression of a desire [by non-Indigenous Peoples] to be something they are
not.” When race-shifting is performed for “symbolic, [political,] or material
advantage,” it not only fails to confront and challenge toxic constructions of
whiteness, but commits “outright ethnic fraud.”






The fraud of self-indigenization
and race-shifting are predatory practices rooted in a virulent, yet fragile whiteness.
Not only do your claims contravene autonomous protocols of nationhood, but they
also obviate deep relations of kinship altogether. Not surprisingly, these are
the very relations you try to expropriate, sanitize, and resell for your
visions of “change.” There’s no way that you can rhetorically distance yourself
from the words on the wall, nor outsource the blame, nor hide behind a veil of
research to excuse these transgressions. Even if you don’t care, we are here to
make you (and the countless architects that mimic you) aware and accountable.






This two-pronged
strategy of dispossession––suppression of Indigenous rights and race-shifting—is
even more bewildering given the affiliation and identity of former Guggenheim
Curator of Architecture and Digital Initiatives, Troy Conrad Therrien. The Canadian-born citizen of the Métis Nation of British Columbia states in his introduction to the exhibition catalog how he
invited you to the Guggenheim to conceive and engage in a curatorial
partnership at the onslaught of the exhibition concept, back in 2015. 






What happened in those
five years? Did you not witness the countless blockades on Indigenous lands opposing
oil and gas pipelines in the so-called countryside? Did you not notice the
massive opposition to man-camps that giant mining companies were building? Where
were you when refugee children were being unlawfully detained and inhumanely
caged as they were being violently separated from migrant parents at international
borders? Were you not aware of the exploitation of prison labor and immigrant work
forces in the “countrysides” that feed billions of peoples? Are you not paying
attention to the leadership of Black, Indigenous, and People of Color who are risking
their lives on these fronts to stop the racial injustices entrenched in the
settler-colonialism, racial capitalism, eurocentrism, and white supremacy that
you represent? What more can be stolen?






Your 1978 book Delirious
New York is longstanding evidence of how urgent this demand is. Relegated
to the “Prehistory” section, you both denigrate and ignore the contemporary
reality, cultural presence, and political sovereignty of Indigenous Peoples
(specifically of Lenape, Shinnecock, and Unkechaug Nations that have inhabited
New York since time immemorial, notwithstanding the many Indigenous Peoples who
call the city home). Tellingly, you parrot the characterization of Indigenous
Peoples as models of “North American barbarism” not in admonishment, but to house
your own speculations on the “reenactment— architectural this time— of the New
World’s primordial tragedy, the massacre of the Indians,” as an engine for the
city’s recursive reinvention. Your cynical rhetoric has not aged well, souring
now into the prophecy and pronouncement it has always been. You recognized too that
such a narrative expresses a “need to mythologize its past and rewrite a history
that can serve its future”—and then, like now, you appointed yourself the new,
winking demiurge of settler urbanism. This constitutes more than a mockery or
tokenization of Lenape Peoples, it erases—and thereby dehumanizes—urban
Indigenous communities at large. Your 1977 Architectural Design article “Life
in the Metropolis, or The Culture of Congestion” that you later reproduced in
your 1995 book S,M,L,XL, naturalizes colonialism as the metropolitan
condition. In turn, it trivializes intergenerational trauma and entrenches territorial
dispossession as the precondition for the making of settler-space. Big and
small, settler urbanism is Indigenous erasure. So it’s no mistake that
the hegemony of spatial violence in settler-colonial space is absent from the entire
spectrum of your work, in the same way that Indigenous erasure is omnipresent
throughout the Countryside exhibition at the Guggenheim.






Even according to your own&#38;nbsp;autobiographical
narrative, your motives can only
be assumed to be—not unlike those of Humboldt some two hundred years ago— extractive.
Now, over four decades after Delirious New York, you persist in
normalizing an architectural culture of extractivism shared widely by
architects for which they are rarely, if ever, held accountable for. Your
alloying of ignorance and impunity, as if a colonial carte blanche, legitimizes
injustice. 



 
Given the immense
cultural platform that the Guggenheim Museum has built with over 1 million
visitors per year and the far-reaching social impact that you have from your
seventy-year career, the time to end this practice of cultural appropriation is
here and now. 



Cease &#38;amp; Desist Now.&#38;nbsp;

Adopting traditional forms
of Indigenous knowledge (and platforming them) under the banner of cultural
inspiration or innovation is reprehensible. Whether it is in the Vitruvian trope
of the ‘primitive hut’ or the modern myth of the ‘noble savage,’ (or in recent
compilations of traditional, low-tech, Indigenous technologies by a host of white
academics and design professionals), such practices of intellectual and
material extraction are not new, but they must unconditionally end. Cultural appropriation
exploits oral tradition as well as embodied knowledge, and then consumes and
exploits it as commodity. Colonial anthropology and imperial science undressed.
Technological red face in plain sight.






Legitimating the extractive
gaze of white researchers and curators is similarly perverse. The financial and
infrastructural support that the Guggenheim Museum has garnered for (and by) the
exhibition makes them equally accountable for amplifying and glorifying this white
gaze. Your duplicity commits and confirms settler desires for race-shifting and
indulges in an age-old colonial fantasy of pretendianism at the very root of US
culture, from the Boston Tea Party to the Boy Scouts of America. That systemic
pattern not only excludes, but furthers attempts to extinguish Indigenous
Peoples as part of the settler-colonial project predicated on a multi-faceted
and ongoing program of dispossession. Cultural appropriation by a dominant
white majority in a racialized attempt—as you claim, “to become Indigenous
again”—upholds the curatorial hegemony of white supremacy. Your
exhibition proves that settler-colonialism is not only planned and executed, it
is also curated. 






So this letter is not
only about calling out denigrating acts of appropriation, but to bring to an
end the dehumanizing practice of Indigenous erasure that is part of settler-colonialism’s
strategy of cultural genocide and ongoing dispossession. In the context of so
much land and culture that has been stolen and continues to be taken from
Indigenous Peoples and Tribal Nations—notwithstanding the widespread use of
Indigenous symbols as American mascots—the disproportionate rates of
over-representation of Indigenous men and women in prison populations, the
intergenerational legacies of Indian Residential Schools, and the alarming
rates of Missing &#38;amp; Murdered Indigenous Women (MMIW), how much more can be taken
and extracted from Indigenous People—living and past?






The consequences of such
actions, when left unchecked, set dangerous precedents for younger settler scholars
and immigrant designers trained in the racist design institutions of the
so-called civilized western world where this practice is rampant. This is why
we are writing to you now. This practice not only perpetuates vicious cycles of
domination, it also sanctions white supremacy through financialized resources and
applauds it through awards and recognition. Emulating, appropriating,
tokenizing, or worse, extinguishing of Indigenous knowledge in exhibitions like&#38;nbsp;Countryside at the Guggenheim or How Will We Live Together at the
Venice Architecture Biennale this past year is incendiary, spreading like
wildfire in design institutions, schools, exhibitions, and professional associations
where protocols of consent and consultation are completely ignored and
overlooked in spite of codes of ethics like those of the American Institute of
Architects (AIA) and affiliated design disciplines represented by the American
Planning Association (APA), the American Society of Landscape Architects
(ASLA), and the American Society of Civil Engineers (ASCE). 






As a white,
non-Indigenous, European curator and Dutch architect whose home country carries
legacies of exploitation and colonial violence dating back well over four
centuries, you cannot possibly question the future when your patriarchal
rhetoric consistently chooses to misinterpret the present; an era that for many
communities of Black, Indigenous, and People of Color represents unending spatial
injustices, oppressions, and in some cases, wars.






To these ends, we demand
your full accountability and immediate apology as head of the Curatorial Team to
cease and desist the misrepresentation of traditional Indigenous knowledge and abuse
of cultural sovereignty. No more paper-thin plans like the Guggenheim Museum’s Diversity,
Equity, Access, and Inclusion Action Plan or any empty promises of decolonizing the institution. What’s put on paper
is always different to what’s done on the ground or put up on the walls. The
Museum’s own staff even called out some of their own injustices in 2020 during
the Countryside exhibition in The New York Times (“Curators Urge
Guggenheim to Fix Culture That ‘Enables Racism’”). As Curator, Museum, and Publisher—in all these roles, you
encompass the platform and need to take action.






Just Fuckin’ Stop.




This is therefore a generational
call to stop this settler-colonial fraud and to end this culture of
dispossession. There can be no more violence and aggression from the vile
appropriation of knowledge and race-shifting running rampant in the culture of western
art and architecture. 






The Board of Trustees of
the Guggenheim Museum and Taschen Publishers are cc’ed here with the proviso
that a different history of the future can be written, should the exhibition
travel to Arc-en-Rêve Centre d’Architecture in Bordeaux (France) or anywhere else. In the future, if it is to
genuinely reshape its executive and curatorial leadership, the Guggenheim
Museum must enroll assistance from, consult with, and receive consent from
local Indigenous communities and leading Indigenous rights organizations such
as the International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, Amazon Watch, the
Indian Law Resource Center, the Indigenous Environmental Network, and Land
Rights Now.






To this effect, we’ve
attached a summary list of texts on
cultural appropriation, exploitation, self-indigenization, and race-shifting that explain in
greater depth the terms and concepts referenced here, along with their
longstanding histories, consequences, and impacts. Read them,
internalize them, engage with them, and act on them while reflecting on how
those legacies are exacerbated by current realities, including the
disproportional impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on tribal communities. In the
process of your own transformation, you’ll understand that the best place to
start is with yourself; with honoring the lands you are on—Lenapehoking—and the
retroactive engagement of your roles and responsibilities to the Peoples and
Treaties that those lands are privy to.







Signed &#38;amp; Authored by:






























ANGEL A ANGELE, Universidad de los
Andes, Bogotá



Pedro Aparicio Llorente,
APLO/Universidad de los Andes, Bogotá



Alexander Arroyo,
University of Chicago



Daphne Bakker, Failed Architecture



Rod Barnett (Māori), Aotearoa New Zealand



Liz Barry, Public Lab,
New York



Pierre Bélanger, Boston



Hernán Bianchi Benguria,
University of Toronto



Tiffany Kaewen Dang,
University of Cambridge



Vineet Diwadkar,
Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok



Erin Genia
(Sisseton-Wahpeton), Boston



Ghazal Jafari,
University of Virginia



Namik Mačkić, Counterfactual, Oslo



Marc Miller, Penn State
University



Mahtowin Munro (Lakota),
United American Indians of New England



Jean-Luc Pierite
(Tunica-Biloxi), North American Indian Center of Boston



Manuela Silva, Universidad de los
Andes, Bogotá



Samantha Solano, UMass
Amherst



Zoe S. Todd
(Métis/otipemisiw), Carleton University













cc:&#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp;The Board of Trustees of the Solomon R.
Guggenheim Museum, Taschen Publishers



att:&#38;nbsp; A Primer on Cultural Appropriation, Race-Shifting,
Self-Indigenization, &#38;amp; Dispossession in the context of Settler-Colonialism


























A Primer 



on Cultural
Appropriation, Dispossession, Race-Shifting, 



Self-Indigenization in the Context of Settler-Colonialism.


























Rod
Barnett, “Designing Indian Country: Suppose Native America is not over, that there
is no “after colonialism.” How do we create public spaces that enable true
contact between cultures?,” 2016



Nicholas
Blomley, “Law, Property, and the Geography of Violence: The Frontier, the Survey,
and the Grid,” 2003



Natchee
Blu Barnd, Native
Space: Geographic Strategies to Unsettle Settler Colonialism, 2017



Nicholas
Brown, Sarah E. Kanouse, Re-Collecting
Black Hawk Landscape, Memory, and Power in the American Midwest, 2015



Desmond
Cole, The Skin We're In: A Year of Black Resistance and Power, 2020



Glen S.
Coulthard, Red Skin, White Masks: Rejecting the Colonial Politics of Recognition, 2014



Dark
Matter University, Lessons in Anti-Racist Design Pedagogy, 2020



Marcia Ellen DeGeer, Biopiracy: The Appropriation of Indigenous Peoples
Cultural Knowledge,
2002



Design
as Protest Collective, You Are Antiracist, 2020



Philip J.
Deloria, Playing Indian, 1998



Adam Gaudry &#38;amp; Darryl Leroux, “White Settler Revisionism,” 2014



Erin
Genia, “Decolonization and Cultural Responsibility,” 2020



Erin
Genia, “The Landscape and Language of Indigenous Cultural Rights,” Arizona State Law Journal, 2012



Mike
Gouldhawke, “Building Blocks,” 2021



Aaron
Glass and Jolene Rickard, “Met Roundtables: Boundaries in Native America,” 2019



Red Haircrow, “‘Native Hobbyism’ is Modern-Day Colonialism”,



Laura
Harjo, Spiral to the Stars: Mvskoke Tools of Futurity, 2019



Phineas
Harper, “Architects are Experts on Cultural Appropriation,” 2018



Intellectual
Property Issues in Cultural Heritage Project, “Think Before You Appropriate: A Guide for Creators &#38;amp; Designers,” 2015



Cole
Harris, “How Did Colonial Dispossess? 
Comments from an Edge of Empire,” 2004



Adrienne
Keene, “Native Appropriations,” All My Relations
Podcast, 2019



la paperson, “Settler Colonialism Is a Set of Technologies,” 2017



Ruth
Hopkins, “Boycott a Repeat Offender of Cultural Appropriation,” 2019



Anthony
D. King, Urbanism, Colonialism and the World-Economy, 1990



Wanda
Lau, “Tammy Eagle Bull: Let’s Reconsider That Indigenous Tattoo,” 2019



Darryl Leroux, Distorted Descent: White Claims to Indigenous Identity, 2019



Darryl Leroux, “'We've
been here for 2,000 years': White settlers, Native American DNA and the
phenomenon of indigenization,” 2018



Darryl Leroux,
“How 'race-shifting' explains the surge in the number of Métis in Eastern
Canada,” 2017



NYC
Stands for Standing Rock, #StandingRockSyllabus, 2016



Nick
Martin “There’s Nothing More American than Native American Mascots,” 2020



Tiya
Miles, “Dispossession,” The 1619 Project by Nikole Hannah-Jones, 2020



Dylan
T. Miner, “Makataimeshekiakiak, Settler Colonialism and the Specter of Indigenous
Liberation,” 2015



Deborah
A. Miranda, “Teaching on Stolen Ground,” 2007



Louis
Mokak, “Architecture and Appropriation,” 2018



Pierre Moret et al., “Humboldt’s Tableau Physique revisited,” 2019



Aileen Moreton-Robinson, The White Possessive: Property, Power, and Indigenous
Sovereignty,
2015



Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation, 1992



Patrick Anthony, “Mining as the Working World of Alexander von
Humboldt’s Plant Geography and Vertical Cartography,” 2018



Stephen Pearson, "The Last Bastion of Colonialism: Appalachian Settler
Colonialism and Self-Indigenization,” 2013



Caroline&#38;nbsp;Picard, “The Future is Elastic (But it Depends): An Interview with Zoe
Todd,” 2016



Grace Redpath, “Is Mainstream Sustainability Appropriating Indigenous
Knowledge?”,
2021



Jolene Rickard,
“Absorbing
or Obscuring the Absence of a Critical Space in the Americas for Indigeneity: The
Smithsonian's National Museum of the American Indian,” 2007



Jolene
Rickard, “Indigenous Visual Sovereignty,” 2021



Mark
Rifkin, Settler Common Sense, 2013







Audra Simpson, “Ethnographic
Refusal: Anthropological Need,” Mohawk Interruptus:
Political Life Across the Borders of Settler States, 2014



Audra
Simpson, “From White into Red: Captivity Narratives as Alchemies of Race and
Citizenship,” 2008.




Michael
Slenske, “How Can the Design Industry Avoid Appropriation,” 2018


Mark
David Spence, Dispossessing the Wilderness: Indian Removal and the Making of the
National Parks, 1999



Heidi
Kiiwetinepinesiik Stark, “Respect, Responsibility, and Renewal: The Foundations of Anishinaabe
Treaty Making with the United States and Canada,” 2010



Gina
Starblanket &#38;amp; Heidi Kiiwetinepinesiik Stark, “Towards a Relational Paradigm—Four Points for consideration: Knowledge,
Power, Gender, Land, Modernity,” Resurgence &#38;amp;
Reconciliation, 2018



Circe
Sturm, Becoming Indian: The Struggle over Cherokee Identity in the Twenty-first Century, 2011



Drew Hayden Taylor, Searching for Winnetou, CBC Hot
Docs, 2017



Zoe
Todd, “Indigenizing the Anthropocene,” 2015



Owen
Toews, Sowing Apartheid: The Export-Agricultural Vision,” in Stolen City:
Racial Capitalism and the Making of Winnipeg, 2018



Julie
Tomiak, “Contested Entitlement,” Settler City Limits,
2019



Eve
Tuck, “Suspending Damage: A Letter to Communities,” 2009



United Nations, United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous
Peoples: Resolution adopted by the General Assembly, 2007



Sócrates Vasquez and Avexnim Cojtí,“Cultural Appropriation: Another Form of Extractivism
of Indigenous Communities,” 2020



Patrick
Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics
and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, 1999

Yellowhead Institute, Cash
Back: A Yellowhead Institute Red Paper, 2021













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LANDSCAPEas
RESISTANCE

Pretexts,
Subtexts, Contexts
 in Struggles for Environmental Justice

















c.1993







&#38;nbsp;






Ghazal Jafari&#38;nbsp;
Hernán Bianchi-Benguria
Pierre Bélanger










“Almost alone among the
key players of this century’s history, the landscape remains silent. But in
truth it may be the most expert witness of all. In its broadest sense, ‘landscape’
is a stage on which struggles occur — where humans extract resources from the
earth, suburbs drain people and wealth from cities, and territory is contested
between warring groups. Landscape is also
a kind of slate upon which the evidence of culture, habitation and labor is
written and may be read.”



—Rick Prelinger, Our Secret Century, 1993–1995






















The 1990s mark an era of territorial and technological
transformation whose magnitudes have only recently come into focus for a range
of different disciplines. The fall of South Africa’s Apartheid and the rise of
the Internet’s Information Superhighway are but a few significant regime
changes that signal structural shifts along lines of failing states, ongoing
injustices, and emerging media. Closer to the ground, the explosive
demonstrations in Los Angeles ignited by the brutal police beating of Rodney
King, the bombings in the Siege of Sarajevo, the gendered violence against
women and girls either during the Kosovo War or in the #MMIWG Movement, the
terrorist attacks in the U.S. on 9/11 as a result of the militarization of the
Middle East and ensuing Global War on Terror, as well as the massive
transnational mobilization in the blockade against the Dakota Access Pipeline and
other ongoing acts of cultural genocide, are but a few of the milestone moments
that define a period of extreme and embodied spatial change on the surface and
in the air of these changing states. 
Against
this vivid foreground of political events is a background of slow
institutional transitions: the spatialization of social
sciences through the revival of geography, the racialization of
geopolitical studies, the softening of hard sciences through
open access, the pluralization of identities across the
justice system, and the gradual materialization of economic systems
recently revealed in the housing mortgage meltdown and credit crisis of 2008.
All this as a backdrop of a social and political uprising manifest in major
movements such as Black Lives Matter and Idle No More, all which confront
longstanding racial, economic, and environmental injustices upheld by the
systems of settler-colonialism and the structures of white supremacy. 
If these
changes in thinking about race, class, and gender are rooted in the
representation of the spaces of inequality and the environments of injustice,
then an understanding of intersectionality and difference is central and important as defined and argued in 1993 by civil
rights lawyer Kimberlé Crenshaw:&#38;nbsp;

“The embrace of identity politics, however, has been in tension with
dominant conceptions of social justice. Race, gender, and other identity
categories are most often treated in mainstream liberal discourse as vestiges
of bias or domination — that is, as intrinsically negative frameworks in which
social power works to exclude or marginalize those who are different. According
to this understanding, our liberatory objective should be to empty such
categories of any social significance. Yet implicit in certain strands of
feminist and racial liberation movements for example, is the view that the
social power in delineating difference need not be the power of domination; it
can instead be the source of social empowerment and reconstruction. […] Through
an awareness of intersectionality, [recognizing that identity politics takes
place at the site where categories intersect, thus seems more fruitful than
challenging the possibility of talking about categories at all], we can better
acknowledge and ground the differences among us and negotiate the means by
which these differences will find expression in constructing group politics.”&#38;nbsp;[1]




In hindsight, the changes in thinking of the past twenty-five
years through these political grounds are potentially revolutionary. They
represent intersectional outcomes that have contributed to a heightened sense
and cross-cultural awareness of the geopolitical unevenness and polarizing
economies of globalization across borders and boundaries, old and new. With the
rise of social activism and proliferation of digital forms of communication,
alternative forms of organization (especially women-based, increasingly
youth-initiated) made possible in part by real-time information have enhanced
patterns of exchange&#38;nbsp;—&#38;nbsp;in sometimes explosive ways&#38;nbsp;—&#38;nbsp;heightening the visibility
and spatializing the awareness of ongoing inequalities and injustices. These
emerging images&#38;nbsp;—&#38;nbsp;and arguably these new maps&#38;nbsp;—&#38;nbsp;have put into question the walled
authority of hierarchical modes of control (police, prisons, carceral systems),
communication (media, science, surveillance systems), and production (labor
conditions, rights, borders); precisely coinciding with a moment where massive political
demonstrations are enabled and even ignited through social media platforms, spreading
and swelling across city streets, state highways, or public squares, to culminate
in front of police departments, parliaments, embassies, or monuments. If the analog
map muted the territory in the past century, then the digital screen (lenses,
mirrors, windows) now dominates our filtered perception of those spatial systems
of representation — whether we are talking about the incarceration of political refugees,
violence against displaced migrants, or the dispossession of climate refugees. 
Notwithstanding
their currency, the recognition of the extensive and dynamic territoriality of
these political changes has been largely overlooked&#38;nbsp;—&#38;nbsp;if not dismissed&#38;nbsp;—&#38;nbsp;by
institutional establishments. Where bureaucratic power lies, administrative
control has been slow to adapt; especially when hierarchical forms of policy, planning, and jurisprudence reign in closed and contained systems of decision making. In
turn, the rise of neo-liberalization that has capitalized on this bureaucratic
inertia has expanded into massive financial empires and technocratic processes
that have taken shape during this time. Tendencies towards the offshoring of
production and banking have subsequently produced new financial hinterlands that
remain mostly unseen and unmapped. As a result, there is an increasing divide and
difference between the center and the periphery. This financial-capital complex
clearly points in many cases towards deeper colonial forces rooted in more than
three to five centuries of resource exploitation, extraction, and exportation.
And while certain forms of resistance to these global and planetary forces
have preceded and preempted the turn of the millennium, the strong neo-liberal
and neo-Taylorist forces acting in the paper worlds of extraction and
exploitation that have marked the past two to three decades remain largely at
work today at far greater extents than ever before.&#38;nbsp;[2] 
For the
Millennial Generation and Generation X born during this period, the guise of
self-actualization and liberation from exploitative, industrial labor has
actually imprisoned them in the colonial metropolis and its forms of
consumption and subjugation. Millennials and Gen-Xers remain far removed from
means of production, divided more than ever across classes of wealth.
Increasingly complex layers of fiscal and financial systems not only support
but maintain their strict separation. This socio-economic apartheid and
cultural disenfranchisement is also exacerbated and alienated by the distancing from
fields of cultivation and territories of extraction; lands and landscapes that
support and sustain the contemporary livelihoods of billions of people whom,
more and more, are dispossessed from their lands and forcibly displaced to the
edge of cities. This ‘geographic degeneration’ is further compounded by the
disillusionment of the large-scale grandeur of utopian welfare states that once
promised equity, equality, and justice through democracy. This fracture between
the state and the citizen (now increasingly users, clients, consumers, drivers)
between what is ‘in’ and what is ‘out’ is now breeding a whole new set of
politicized identities and communities working from below. In reaction to the
wars between bureaucratic opacity and social transparency, the displaced and
the dispossessed now congregate and concentrate around new sites of
ideological common ground. Here, counter-cartographies, queer identities,
decolonial pedagogies, revived languages, and subversive softwares attempt to
decode, deconstruct, and dismantle the strongholds of bureaucratic hardware,
heteropatriarchy, brick-and-mortar policy, and state-controlled systems of
settler-colonialism.&#38;nbsp;[3]

Emerging from an overlooked body of work lying in the dust of
the turn of the millennium, the powerful voices of a shadow group of
spatial thinkers are brought together in a radical collection of views

—&#38;nbsp;drowned
out by the noise of Y2K

— 

whose work cuts across the hard core
of the sciences, industrial division of labor and gender, as well as the cadre
of professional disciplines. They help forge an understanding of the
alternative spaces required for change; what comparative linguist Mary Louise
Pratt defined as “contact zones” in her critical argument for the
reconstruction of institutional knowledge in 1991, in terms of,




“social
spaces where [disparate] cultures meet, clash, and grapple with each other,
often in contexts of highly asymmetrical relations of power [domination and
subordination], such as colonialism, slavery, or their aftermaths as they are
lived out in many parts of the world today. Eventually I will use the term to
reconsider the models of community that many of us rely on in teaching and
theorizing and that are under challenge today.”&#38;nbsp;[4]




In response to this period of
turbulent transformation and wide-sweeping social stratification, the voices from
this group of fin-de-siècle thinkers, writers, and activists
delineates the contours of a resurgence in geopolitical thought and cultures of resistance from
the margins of a dominant center held by the whiteness of institutions. As point of
contact and encounter, the racialization of that dominant center and its
peripheries

— 

with the systems of knowledge that uphold it

— 

is especially
significant and essential. As anti-colonial geographer Katherine McKittrick
writes in her incisive 2011 essay “On Plantations, Prisons, and a Black Sense
of Place,”



&#38;nbsp;



“Instead of encounter,
in fact, our present system of knowledge, inherited from enlightened
colonialism and Eurocentric modernity, repetitively constitutes blackness as a
discreet (and hostile) category that routinely ‘troubles’ an already settled
whiteness. This paradigmatic perspective on race and blackness, in its denial
of an entangled racial history produced through geographies of encounter,
normalizes practices of colonization as it naturalizes overdevelopment,
accumulation, and land ownership as identifiable-seeable locales of
emancipation.”&#38;nbsp;[5]



 



These writings and modes of thinking have been responding to
socioeconomic struggles over the past two decades with actionable research
while remaining critically aware of the violence, oppression, and hegemony of
global capital flow. Bringing together a range of voices — from botanists and arborists,
to historians and anthropologists

— 

this project of writings compilation reformulates a politicized conception of urbanization that for the
most part emerged prior to the turn of the 21st century as resistance and
subversion to the educational institution and political establishment.



 By grounding social,
scientific, and economic knowledge, these voices provide a counter-position for
re-assessing the critical relevance and pressing significance of environmental
challenges through different senses, alternatives scales, and new lenses.
Considered together, they represent a groundswell in political, and ecological
thinking. As an unintended collective, they underlie the deep dimensions and
dispositions of land as the underlying platform upon which the
liberalization of global markets, the colonization of nation states, the
racialization of labor systems, the weaponization of technological infrastructures,
and the imperialism of transnational corporations are playing out. 
To be
clear, this is a movement of reparation, reconstruction, and repatriation. As writer, historian, and poet Deborah
A. Miranda from the Ohlone/Costanoan-Esselen Nation of California writes in her
2007 essay Teaching on Stolen Ground, 




“this work of
repatriation in the academy, is not about victimization or blame games. It’s about the
acknowledgement and resolution of real and tangible crimes so that a future
truly is worth living.” 



Furthermore, she explicitly identifies the complicity of the urban design disciplines (from architecture
and engineering to planning and policy) in the systems of settler-colonialism
across the United States: 




“You steal the land, build a country on a stolen foundation, construct a
cage around it. All that you have — your possessions, your ethics, your
history — depends on keeping this land captive. Your cage must grow still more
complex: you must construct more restraints. Literature that serves as steel
bars, schools that serve as locks, textbooks that are prison guards. What keys
are available to us to dismantle this perpetually tightening confinement?”&#38;nbsp;[6]



Free from disciplinary strongholds, these voices thus
present and represent corresponding notions of land and landscape
as emergent, avant-garde, and retroactive theory.&#38;nbsp;[7] Debasing
colonial narratives steeped in the suppression or muffling of land by
lame surrogates such as ‘site,’ ‘area,’ ‘lot,’ ‘property,’ ‘real estate,’
‘district’, or ‘jurisdiction,’ the project rethinks professional languages and
spatial discourses guarded by the paternalistic practices of architecture,
planning, and development. Their wide sweeping reliance on Eurocentric
narratives of western theory, city-centric generalizations of the Anthropocene,
religiously apocalyptic projections of sea level rise, and chronic IPCC-led
climate change catastrophism narrowly confine the complex understanding of
built environments, territorial regimes, and their dynamic processes. Cloaked
by technological positivism, scientific imperialism, environmental racism, and
settler colonialism, these over-engineered and mechanized means serve only
privileged populations of well-developed nation states at the expense of others
that are often left outside or erased by the neoliberal vacuum of consumption and
corporate bubble of accumulation. 
Transnationalism,
in the globalization of the design disciplines of architecture, urban planning,
and civil engineering for example, has coincidentally if not strategically
slipped through the cracks and cleavages of territorial borders to avoid the
boundaries of discourses on the role of the nation state in design; including
its role, its extents, its influence, and its historical impact through
settler-colonialism. That strategic oversight reinforces the nationalism of the
organization of design disciplines themselves (the ‘American’ Society of
Landscape Architects, ‘American’ Institute of Architects, ‘American’ Planning
Association, or ‘United States’ Army Corps of Engineers to name a few), that normalizes
the nationalization of representation, including spatial and environmental
discourses. The nationalism(s) of design discourse (from education to
professional licensing) is a direct product of white supremacy, of a dominant
white majority, whose hegemonic influence has excluded so much and so many at
the expense of marginalizing the ontologies of the displaced and the
dispossessed — by identity and polity — often, if not always, by force.
Reacting to
and confronting dominant spatial canons from two former volumes of shared
architectural genre, this project of compilation thus draws from the ongoing
revolutionary era of spatial change around the 1990s to the present. The format
of this 25-year outlook, circa 1993, specifically builds on the legacy of two
previous anthologies while providing a distinctive break from their implicit
Eurocentric disciplinary predispositions and settler-colonial underpinnings.
The first includes Joan Ockman’s Architecture Culture, a
documentary anthology published in 1993 in collaboration with Edward Eigen that
profiles readings from practicing architects in the postwar reconstructive
period of 1943 to 1968. Published a few years later in 1998, the second is
Michael Hays’ Architecture Theory since 1968 with readings
spanning the turbulent period from 1968 to 1993. Both prompted by Bernard
Tschumi, then Dean of the Columbia Graduate School of Architecture, Planning
and Preservation between 1988 and 2003, Hays and Ockman employ the
quintessential year of 1968 as contextual benchmark and mile marker for the
respective beginning and end of their collected writings on urbanism expressed
through the discipline of architecture. Now well recognized, the end of the
1960s witnessed a period of time that retrospectively saw the dawn of civil
rights and rise of labor movements through clashes with the state.[8] Simultaneously,
it also coincided with a period of major territorial change, one that was
observed in several key writings, namely The New Industrial State (1967)
by Canadian-American economist John Kenneth Galbraith, “in the 20th century,
capital became more important than land,” a few years prior to the work of
French sociologist Henri Lefebvre’s La Révolution Urbaine (1970) declaring
that “the urban (urban space, urban landscape) remains unseen.”&#38;nbsp;[9] 

If then,
the revolution in land entailed a revolution in forms and relations of economic
and political power, any study of the history of the built environment today
must open insights onto claims, constructions, capitalizations, cessions, and
surrenders inscribed in the ground and associated with the flow
and concentration of capital.&#38;nbsp; Palestinian-American scholar Edward
Said observed in 1994 that:




“The main battle in imperialism is
over land, of course; but when it came to who owned the land, who had the right
to settle and work on it, who kept it going, who won it back, and who now plans
its future

— 

these issues were reflected, contested, and even for a time decided
in narrative. As one critic has suggested, nations themselves are narrations.
The power to narrate, or to block other narratives from forming and emerging,
is very important to culture and imperialism, and constitutes one of the main
connections between them.”&#38;nbsp;[10] 



 




















The revival 
in the epistemologies of land as a cultural subject and the
emergence of landscape as a political system of representation (or
mis-representation) across the urban arts 



 therefore must preclude the study of urbanization in relation to the
construction and deconstruction — past, present, and future — of emerging power
structures and new empires in the making.&#38;nbsp;[11] Yet,
as Anthony D. King observed in the early 1990s about settler-colonial
institutions and fields of knowledge:&#38;nbsp;



 



“Considering its impact on
contemporary urban, political, economic, social, and cultural life, the
historical experience of colonialism and imperialism is greatly
under-researched.”&#38;nbsp;[12]&#38;nbsp; 



 



Corresponding with the marginalization of architectural
theory and planning policy in economic or political spheres during the last two
decades, the compilation of these readings thus marks another
distinct yet poorly documented period of intellectual transformation that in
fact is catalyzed as an inter-generational shift and swiftly enacting actual
spatial transformations that have proliferated in the past two decades

— 

from
the removal of Confederate monuments to the advent of Indigenous Peoples’ Day. The
voices brought together here point towards alternative origins that move away
from disciplinary canons while at the same drawing different and deeper historical
strands of design’s influence. Through an original compilation of texts, images
and excerpts, this project therefore presents the agency of landscape as
a pretext for current and future practices rooted in the deeply engrained
grounds of urbanization (including counter-urbanization and dis-urbanization);
grounds entangled in the complexities of land, law, language, life, belief,
being, terrain, and territory. 
By mapping an
understanding of land through the political system of landscape&#38;nbsp;representation, this body of thought builds a platform for present-day
intervention and establishes alternative precedents that stack up the potential
for change in current investments, ongoing methodologies, and future scenarios.
As the historically dominant white, Anglo-American majority is decentered, the
change and shift for which, we believe, the design disciplines (with their
related institutions and professional associations) are wholly unprepared
for — pedagogically, structurally, intellectually — considering the unprecedented
demographic shift that is occurring now, and for the next 25 years:&#38;nbsp;







“The point at which the non-Hispanic
White alone population will comprise less than 50 percent of the nation’s total
population has been described as the point at which we become a
‘majority-minority’ nation. According to these projections, the
majority-minority crossover will occur in 2044… [at which point,] the United
States is projected to become a plurality nation.”&#38;nbsp;[13] 



 
The ambition of this project is thus to rebase and displace mainstream
urban discourse (focused exclusively on cities through the lens of divisive
disciplines) by empowering voices of the marginalized, the suppressed, and the
impoverished; by reifying the meaning of plurality of identity and of humanity,
underscoring difference throughout the living world, as well as casting light
on narratives of Black, Indigenous, and People of Color that lie outside the
center of dominant institutional thought and disciplinary factions. &#38;nbsp;
&#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp;
 Seen
through eyes of these millennial ghost writers, this collection of work
therefore critically positions the vital urgency of ecologic change and
prescience of landscape representation with a wide spectrum of peoples and
publics whose struggles for spatial justice, infrastructural equity, economic
empowerment, and ecologic freedom are premised in the future of existing lands,
buried below the surface of states, to be found across emerging territories and
scales of influence yet to come.






* * *&#38;nbsp;




















About the Authors


Dr. Ghazal Jafari is a
designer of Persian and Azeri descent and Assistant Professor of Landscape
Architecture at the University of Virginia, traditional lands of the Monacan
People.








Hernán
Bianchi-Benguria is a planner, architect, and PhD Candidate in Geography at the
University of Toronto, traditional lands of the Huron-Wendat, the Seneca, and
the Mississaugas of the Credit River, covered by Treaty 13.


Dr. Pierre Bélanger is
a settler designer, 
















trained
as landscape architect, 



originally from Montréal and Ottawa, now in Boston,
traditional lands of the Massachusett Peoples, territory of the Wampanoag and
Nipmuc Nations.













Background Image: 
Video still of Rodney King beaten by police officers of the Los Angeles County Police Department, March 3, 1991. Video &#38;amp; Transcript (CW: Violence &#38;amp; extreme Brutality)&#38;nbsp;https://abcnews.go.com/Archives/video/march-1991-rodney-king-videotape-9758031. For the significance of this event in relation to the racialization of media, see Brandy Monk-Payton, "Blackness and Televisual Reparations " Film Quarterly 71, no.2 (2017): 12–18. 

This essay is an introduction to 
c.1993, 

 a compilation project of multimedia works by authors, artists, and activists.&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;



Notes
1. Kimberlé



 Crenshaw’s early work on racialized and gendered violence
(targeting Black Women) contextualizes her extensive scholarship on intersectionality:
“Over the last two decades, women have organized against the almost, routine
violence that shapes their lives. Drawing from the strength of shared
experience, women have recognized that the political demands of millions speak
more powerfully than the pleas of a few isolated voices. This politicization in
turn has transformed the way we understand violence against women. For example,
battering and rape, once seen as private (family matters) and aberrational
(errant sexual aggression), are now largely recognized as part of a broad-scale
system of domination that affects women as a class. This process of recognizing
as social and systemic what was formerly perceived as isolated and individual
has also characterized the identity politics of African Americans, other people
of color, and gays and lesbians, among others. For all these groups,
identity-based politics has been a source of strength, community, and
intellectual development.” See “Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality,
Identity Politics, and Violence against Women of Color.” Stanford
Law Review 43, no.6 (1991): 1241








–1242, 1299.
 







2. Marginalized discourses and peripheral subjects also form their
own cores. As anthropologist Anna Lowenhaupt Tsing observes, “the zones of
unpredictability at the edges of discursive stability, where contradictory
discourses overlap, or where discrepant kinds of meaning-making converge; these
are what I call margins.” See “From the Margins,”&#38;nbsp;Cultural Anthropology 9, no.3 (1994): 279.







3. Systemic injustices are at the core of this 25-year compilation
of readings. By no means is this period of revolutionary change exclusively
limited to the 1990s. A key milestone, for example, in this compilation of
readings is the 1987 Report titled “Toxic Wastes and Race in the United States:
A National Report on the Racial and Socio-Economic Characteristics of
Communities with Hazardous Waste Sites” by the Commission for Racial Justice. Representing
1.7 million members, the United Church of Christ’s Commission addressed and
confronted the systemic, spatial, and environmental nature of racism: “Racism
is racial prejudice plus power. Racism is the intentional or unintentional use
of power to isolate separate and exploit of others. This use of power is based
on a belief in superior racial origin, identity or supposed racial
characteristics. Racism confers certain privileges on and defends the dominant
group, which in turn sustains and perpetuates racism. Both consciously and
unconsciously, racism is enforced and maintained by the legal, cultural,
religious, educational, economic, political, environmental, and military
institutions of societies. Racism is more than just a personal attitude; it is
the institutionalized form of that attitude.” (x)







4. Mary Louise Pratt, “Arts of the Contact Zone” Profession (1991):
34. The racialization of knowledge is particularly significant: “Instead of
encounter, in fact, our present system of knowledge, inherited from enlightened
colonialism and Eurocentric modernity, repetitively constitutes blackness as a
discreet (and hostile) category that routinely ‘troubles’ an already settled
whiteness. This paradigmatic perspective on race and blackness, in its denial
of an entangled racial history produced through geographies of encounter,
normalizes practices of colonization as it naturalizes overdevelopment,
accumulation, and land ownership as identifiable-seeable locales of
emancipation.” See Katherine McKittrick, “On Plantations, Prisons, and a Black
Sense of Place” Social &#38;amp; Cultural Geography 12, no.8 (2011):
950.







5. See Katherine McKittrick, “On
Plantations, Prisons, and a Black Sense of Place” Social &#38;amp;
Cultural Geography 12, no.8 (2011): 950.







6. See Deborah A. Miranda, “Teaching on Stolen Ground”
in Jennifer Sinor and Rona Kaufman (editors), Placing the Academy: Essays on Landscape, Work, and Identity(Logan, UT: Utah State University Press, 2007): 182, 184–85.








7. In 1992, landscape practitioner James Corner explained the
correlation between the meaning of landscape production and the semiotics of spatial
effects, at a time that preceded an explosive period of post-modernist
landscape projects. See James Corner, “Representation and Landscape: Drawing
and Making in the Landscape Medium” Word &#38;amp; Image 8, no.3
(1992): 243–275. As part of a small and emergent body of work in the early 1990s,
the readings compiled here respond to the disciplinary exclusion and marginalization
of the field of landscape itself, including its attendant urban and
environmental relationalities within design discourse. Informing the premise of
this project in the wake of two aforementioned anthologies edited in the 1990s,
respectively by Michael Hays (Architecture Theory since 1968) and Joan
Ockman (Architecture Culture 1943–1968: A Documentary Anthology),
writings involved in the edification of the architect as heroic figure and
over-theorization of architecture as central building discipline continue to be
sustained even in the wake of a crisis in theory and identity since the 1980s.
For example, A. Krista Sykes’ anthology Constructing a New Agenda:
Architectural Theory 1993–2009 (New York, NY: Princeton Architectural
Press, 2010) and Kate Nesbitt’s Theorizing a New Agenda for
Architecture: An Anthology of Architectural Theory 1965–1995 (New
York, NY: Princeton Architectural Press, 1996) in the United States, as well as
Arie Graafland and Jasper de Haam’s The Critical Landscape (Rotterdam, NL: 010 Publishers, 1996) in the Netherlands, are but a few of the many attempts
to recover some form of significance to the architectural discipline and the
role of architects during a period of dwindling cultural relevance, design
authorship, and spatial influence. The narrow disciplinary focus of these
anthologies not only exclude significant changes in the body of work related to
the complexity of the urban environment but also overlook the pluralization of
spatial practices that urban environments entail. Yet, by the early 1990s,
practicing landscape architects and urbanists alike were engaging in active
recovery and reconstruction of the landscape subject; beyond that of the
singular, heroic figure of the architect. For example, in 1981, L’Architecture
d’Aujourd’hui published an extensive folio of contemporary urban
projects and territorial design by landscape architects from France (with
architecte-paysagistes such as Alexandre Chemetoff, Michel Corajoud, and
Jacques Simon to name a few), while American book publisher Zone in
New York published its first, groundbreaking (albeit hotly contested),
484-page, double-volume edition with then emerging designer Bruce Mau.
According to editors Sanford Kwinter and Michel Feher, its focus was on the contemporary
metropolis and its political regime, beyond the classical diagram of
urbanism seen through the limiting focus of the social sciences confined to the
city as object of study. That same year, The Princeton Journal (Thematic
Studies in Architecture) published in tow, its Volume 2: Landscape, only
a year following the journal’s inauguration, a volume now recognized as a
defining moment in design criticism. The incisive words of architectural
historian and French urban theorist Françoise Choay clarify the crisis in the discipline
of architecture. In a short and terse critique condemning the flawed jury
process of a design for the Parc de la Villette in Paris (France), whose 1983
verdict for the winning entry by Bernard Tschumi was reportedly “inspired by
fear”, Choay argued instead for the recognition of the “casual, humorous,
complex, realistic, and actually innovative” (p.213) entry by then Office for
Metropolitan Architecture led by Rem Koolhaas. As Choay deftly pointed out,
“innovative because in the present crisis of architecture — a crisis of status,
form, and meaning — instead of once more proposing a new model and a new image,
it proposes a method, thus exposing the gigantic blank of a gigantic program.”
(p.213) Choay concludes her critique by pointing out that OMA’s second-place
entry emphasized the contradictory nature of the “over-inflated” program, if
not “over-constraining” requirements for the park’s design, unexpectedly
resolving the proposal by “[breaking] off with the totalitarianism of form” and
“[making] place for the unpredictable,” cleverly locating the proposal between
different urban traditions of the French garden; that is between “both the
classical and the Haussmannian.”(p.214) See Françoise Choay, “Critique” in The
Princeton Journal - Thematic Studies in Architecture 2 “Landscape”
(1985): 211








–220.







8. The content of this compilation project is retrospectively informed
by two observations from two footnotes respectively by Michael Hays and Joan
Ockman. In Architecture Theory since 1968 (New York, NY and Cambridge,
MA: The Trustees of Columbia University in the City of New York and
Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1998), Hays observed in the introduction
to his book that “a different, younger audience, whose relation to consumption
is altogether altered, whose memories may not include any notions of resistance
or negation, may have to produce another kind of theory premised on neither the
concept of reification nor the apparatus of the sign, both of which have their
ultimate referent in the vexatious territory of reproducibility and commodity
consumption. Indeed, since 1993, there have been important developments in
architecture theory not covered by this anthology.” In the accompanying
footnote to this explanation, Hays further adds that “feminism and identity
politics are only the most obvious of themes that have produced massive numbers
of studies since 1993 not primarily concerned with reification.” (p.xiv, xvn8)
Conversely, in her documentary anthology Architecture Culture 1943–1968 (New
York, NY: The Trustees of Columbia University in the City of New York and
Rizzoli International Publications, 1993), Ockman remarked that “naturally,
despite the attempt to be as discriminating as possible in such choices, the
ultimate compilation represents a subjective and occasionally pragmatic
judgment and makes no claim to be exhaustive or ‘correct.’ On the contrary, the
reader is invited to argue with both its inclusions and omissions.” To this
explanation, Ockman further notes that “it might be stated in anticipation
that a few of the latter were owed to the difficulty of obtaining a text
efficient enough to accommodate the present format.” (p.23) The disciplinary
boundaries of architectural discourse are precisely at issue here, as they are
persistently (and uncritically) reproduced at the expense of writings on
urbanism, urban planning, and environment. A. Krista Sykes’ anthology Constructing
a New Agenda: Architectural Theory 1993–2009 (New York, NY: Princeton
Architectural Press, 2010); Michael K. Hays’s The Oppositions Reader
Selected Readings from a Journal of for Ideas and Criticism in Architecture
1973–1984 (New York, NY: Princeton Architectural Press, 1998); or Kate Nesbitt’s
compilation Theorizing a New Agenda for Architecture: An Anthology of
Architectural Theory (New York, NY: Princeton Architectural Press, 1996) are
but a few that implicitly and explicitly identify this lacuna yet avoid its
complex, discursive, and practical implications in spite of the clear signal
and fair warning issued by Bernard Tschumi back in 1976: “Social conflicts
increasingly focus on environmental problems that eventually become a pretext
for insurgency. The crisis is a consequence of exploitation as well as product
of urbanization. The concentration of power and the complexity of urban
networks make cities most vulnerable to revolutionary activities. […]
Environmental knowledge (not building) can contribute to polarizing urban
conflicts and inducing radical change. See “The Environmental Trigger,” in A
Continuing Experiment: Learning and Teaching at the Architectural Association,&#38;nbsp;edited by James Gowan (London, UK: Architectural Press, 1976): 89








–99.







9. See John Kenneth Galbraith, The New Industrial State (Boston, MA:
Houghton Mifflin Company, 1967): 494; and Henri Lefebvre, The Urban
Revolution translated by Robert Bononno (Minneapolis, MN: University
of Minnesota Press, 2010[1970]): 29.







10. Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism (New York, NY: Knopf,
1993): xii–xiii.







11. In 1991, Dell Upton provides an important, albeit
disciplinary characterization and comparison of the distinctive and autonomous
histories of the field of landscape in his “Architectural History or Landscape
History? Journal of Architectural Education 44, no.4
(August 1991): 195–199. “While architectural history, like
most studies of the material environment, focuses on the eye, we experience the
landscape through all our senses, and the evidence of our senses, or rather the
categories that we use to interpret it, is rarely internally consistent. Our
ears, noses, and sometimes even our fingers and tongues make connections,
associations, and interpretations that may differ drastically from those our
eyes suggest. While our eyes isolate the building as a unit of analysis, the
other senses organize the landscape differently. To put it another way, each of
the senses may perceive a different landscape in which the individual building
is irrelevant. Our experience of the material world is thus a complex,
multisensory, constantly changing tangle of relationships that cannot be
captured on mylar or film.” (p.197)







12. Anthony D. King, Urbanism, Colonialism, and the
World-Economy: Cultural and Spatial Foundations of the World Urban System&#38;nbsp;(London, UK: Routledge, 1990): 2.







13.
Sandra L. Colby and Jennifer M. Ortman (US Census Bureau), “Projections of the
Size and Composition of the U.S. Population: 2014 to 2060” Current
Population Report No. P25–1143 (March 3, 2015): 9, 13. 
[ published in coordination with&#38;nbsp;2021 LABASH Virtual Conference held at Cornell University, April 9-11, 2021 ]</description>
		
	</item>
		
		
	<item>
		<title>CC_LETTER TO MAYOR MARTY WALSH</title>
				
		<link>https://opsys.cargo.site/CC_LETTER-TO-MAYOR-MARTY-WALSH</link>

		<pubDate>Thu, 23 Jul 2020 20:09:10 +0000</pubDate>

		<dc:creator>open systems</dc:creator>

		<guid isPermaLink="true">https://opsys.cargo.site/CC_LETTER-TO-MAYOR-MARTY-WALSH</guid>

		<description>July 31, 2020




Office of Mayor Marty Walsh
1 City Hall Square
Boston MA 
02201




Re: Columbus Park: Whose History?




Dear Mayor Walsh, 




In response to the temporary
mothballing of the Christopher Columbus statue after its beheading last
month on June 10th, we demand its full and permanent removal in
addition to the un-naming of the Park. Not only does the figure of Columbus
represent racial oppression, but the history of the statue’s placement
testifies to the corruption of public process across several municipal agencies
of the City of Boston. The following letter (parked at confrontingcolumb.us) summarizes a context
of events that have suppressed historical facts, weaponized the public sphere
and racialized urban space along Boston’s waterfront in a pattern of deception
dating back to events in 1979.




Columbianism: Skewed, Distorted Histories &#38;amp; Violent,
Racist, Dehumanizing Symbolisms 

First, from a symbolic perspective, the statue of Christopher
Columbus is a glorified eurocentric representation of a genocidal murderer, colonizer,
and slave trader; facts that are not only masked by the portrayal of Columbus
as a great explorer or skilled navigator, but they are also triggers for
intergenerational trauma and racial violence against Black, Indigenous, and
Peoples of Color. Across the Americas (or what should be more accurately
referred to as Turtle Island), the figure of Columbus is a longstanding
symbol of oppression with over
200 standing monuments across the public realm in the United States alone. 




Historical facts about the havoc wreaked by the so-called
exploits of Columbus have been documented for well over 450 years. Most
notably, as early as 1542, Spanish friar Bartolomé
de las Casas reported to the Spanish Crown on the mistreatment of, and
atrocities committed against, Indigenous Peoples that started in 1492 when
Columbus hit the shores of the Caribbean Islands. Camouflaged by colonial
narratives of exploration, those campaigns of violence were funded and financed
by the Spanish Monarchy with orders given by then Queen
Isabela La Catolica in the mid-15th century, sanctioned by the
Catholic Church through papal bulls that formed the Doctrine of Discovery. 




The accidental landing of Columbus off the Caribbean
shores and subsequent violence against Indigenous Peoples and enslaved persons,
have been further suppressed by overblown accounts of Columbus’ significance
and ensuing veneration in the American imagination. There are at least four
distinctive, definitive events to point out in this 528-year timeline of what we
call ‘the
rise of Columbianism’:




—1892: the World Columbian
Exposition in Chicago (the eve of the 400-year commemoration of the
so-called Columbus landing in 1492); 



—1938-1942: Harvard historian Samuel
Eliot Morison’s boastful and skewed accounts of Columbus’ exploits in 3
volumes;



—1975: National Geographic Magazine’s November issue
on Columbus’ Voyages (Volume
148 Issue No. 5) that saw millions of copies distributed worldwide; 



—1992: International events and statue erections across
the U.S. leading up to and marking the 500-year anniversary of the 1492 landing.




In response to the edification of Columbus, American
historian Howard Zinn has critically challenged the rise of Columbianism. In
his 1980 book A People’s History of the United States, Zinn underscores the
problems and dangers of distorting historical facts by underscoring the significance
of accurately depicting the scale and magnitude of the violence that Columbus,
and other explorers that followed him, inflicted on Indigenous Peoples
throughout the Americas. More specifically, Zinn’s chapter on “Columbus, the
Indians, and Human Progress” debunks the half-truths, factual errors, and
gross omissions in the former work of Columbus scholar Samuel Eliot Morison. Zinn’s
scholarship is preceded by several other authors namely the work of Indigenous
Scholar Jack D. Forbes (Powhatan-Renápe, Delaware-Lenápe)
in his 1979 book Columbus &#38;amp; Other Cannibals. A long list of
resources and books have been in circulation for decades now to set the record
straight on Columbus. Notwithstanding the fact that Columbus never set foot in
what is known as the United States today, the heroic idolization of Columbus is
a distortion of historical fact, and thus, remains a myth.




Corruption of Public Process: A Political Quid Pro
Quo 

Secondly, from a public perspective, the renaming of the
park and the placement of the statue of Christopher Columbus are more than just
the result of circumvented public approvals. Together, they are deliberate
outcomes of the corruption of a democratic institution and public process underlying
the municipal governance of the City of Boston. 




Legitimation by Deception. The renaming of the
park itself, from its original 1976 “Waterfront
Park” title, was performed through circumvention of public process without
due consultation, community consent, or required public approvals by municipal
agencies. More precisely, our research shows that the renaming of the park was
the result of a political
quid pro quo. In effect, it was the mobilization of private
interests of one person to leverage and influence public power of another, and
vice-versa. The racial motivations of staunch nationalist Arthur Stivaletta
intersected with the political
aspirations of incumbent Mayor Kevin White (in
a close run-up against mayoral opponent Joe Timilty) in late 1978. To do
this, Arthur Stivaletta singlehandedly formed the private, ad-hoc, and largely
illegitimate Friends
of Christopher Columbus Committee in 1978 that is carved in stone at
the top of the statue’s granite base (Stivaletta’s committee should not be
confused with the current Friends of Christopher Columbus Park, or FOCCP, a legally registered, non-profit
organization that programs seasonal events at the park today). As a committee
of one, Stivaletta’s deceptive and coercive efforts were aided by two other
people, in government and in the media: City
Councilor Fred Langone (with longstanding, internal connections to City
Council) and Post-Gazette
Editor-in-Chief Phyllis Donnaruma (with external
cultural connections to the Italian-American élite). 




For a park that was originally conceived over a 30-year
process of planning of waterfront revitalization with over 60
million dollars in public funds (originally dedicated in 1976 to the memory
of community advocate Frank
S. Christian), the original name and space of the park was suspiciously
coopted in a rather expeditious way. The original park planners, Sasaki
Associates, led by Stuart
Dawson had originally conceived of the park as an urban,
multicultural, children’s playground through an extensive, multi-year
process of design, planning, and community consultation that led up to its
dedication and opening in 1976. Just a few years later in the Spring of 1979,
the name of park was officially changed by City Council with an expedited proposal
and council
order led by Langone on April 25th 1979 and expeditiously
approved by Mayor White on May 10th, less than 3 weeks later. That process
took place without the proper
approval of the Boston Parks &#38;amp; Recreation, nor any consultation with the
Boston Arts Commission who normally review proposals for public art submitted for
final approval by the Mayor. 




The rush towards renaming the park prior to the summer of
1979 was the result of the convergence of several events and intended outcomes.
The rushed vote was primarily an exchange intended to leverage votes from theItalian-American community to secure the re-election of then-incumbent
Mayor White later that Fall on November 6th, 1979. It is for this
reason, among several others, that the unveilingand inauguration of Christopher Columbus took place on October 21st,
1979, three weeks before the mayoral election. 




Furthermore, to prop up the illusion of the significance
of the Columbus figure in this effort, Stivaletta commissioned local,
self-educated, neo-impressionist painter Diane Leonard to paint the portrait of
Columbus as a showpiece for an Italian-owned art gallery in the North End and
as propaganda for the park, featured on the front cover
of the Post-Gazette a few days before its inauguration. According to the
artist’s testimony, her then-boyfriend was used as the model for the life-size
painting of Columbus and his hobbyist father lent a hand with the rendering
of the Santa Maria, one of Columbus’ ship floating in the painting’s
background. Although the artist was never paid for their work, the lackluster
painting now hangs in the lobby of the Dante Alighieri Society of Massachusetts,
an Italian-American cultural center across the water in Cambridge.




To understand the significance of this timeline of events,
it is also worth noting that this expedited process strategically coincided
with another much larger event: Pope John Paul II’s trip to the United States and
visit planned for Boston on October 1st, 1979. Even though the Pope’s
planned route did not bring him to Christopher Columbus Park, the Pope’s
speech was an accolade for another organization associated with Stivaletta and
his ‘committee’: the Knights of Columbus who provided funding (undisclosed and
unrecorded) for the Columbus statue (as well as many others across the United
States). 




As the world’s largest Christian brotherhood and Catholic
fraternal service organization originally founded in the U.S. in the late 19th
century, the namesake and patron of the Knights of Columbus(KoC)—Christopher Columbus itself—was intended as nothing more than a
religiously-motivated and politically aimed rebuke at Protestants when they
were founded. The Knights’ influence across the United States in the 20th
century is extensive. They were not only the original proponents of Columbus Day
(the so-called day of national pride observed since 1934), but also regular,
financial contributors to the Vatican. Lending the appearance of credibility as
a ‘right arm’ of the Pope (‘his Knights’) was sought to bring symbolic legitimacy
from the Catholic Church by way of proximity. The strange but strategic enunciation
of Columbus’ exploits in the opening lines of Pope
John Paul II’s speech in the Fall of 1979 at the Boston Common for example,
testify to the extent of the appearance of that influence: 


“Dear brothers and sisters, dear
young people of America, earlier today, I set foot on the soil of the United
States of America. In the name of Christ I begin a pastoral journey that will
take me to several of your cities. At the beginning of this year, I had the
occasion to greet this continent and its people from a place where Christopher
Columbus landed; today I stand at this gateway to the United States, and again
I greet all of America. For its people, wherever they are, have a special place
in the love of the Pope.”




Those glorifying words of the Pope came amidst an
intensely divisive and racialized atmosphere in the city. The Pope’s
speech, and the park’s inauguration later that month, came just days after the
shooting of Darryl Williams (1964-2010) in late September 1979. The 15-year
old, African-American football player from Roxbury, was shot in the back during
a high school football game in the white neighborhood of Charleston, just north
of Boston, leaving
him paralyzed for life.


Illegal Statue on Public Land. If the park’s renaming
was a political exchange, the statue was the prize. The privately-funded
artifact was unlawfully placed on public land in less than an afternoon by AJ
Norwood of Norwood Monumental Works in 1979 that since then, has
been maintained and repaired with public funds. According to the chronology we
have put together from the Public Archives and Public Records of the City of
Boston (see Addendum: “A Chronology of Christopher Columbus Park”), the statue was
installed through expedited means without necessary approvals from the City
Departments of the Boston Arts Commission nor the Department of Parks &#38;amp;
Recreation. In spite of the extensive records, design plans, and construction
drawings that Sasaki Associates holds as the original park planners of
Waterfront Park, not a single record (financial, architectural, logistical) exists
for the purchase, commission, or installation of Columbus statue.




Despite the claims made on the plaque of the statue, our
research on the original marble source and sculptor further shows that it has
little to no artistic merit nor artisanal value. Acclaimed author, urban critic,
and landscape architect Jane Holtz Kay even dubbed it “a
piece of soap sculpture” back in 1998 akin to cheap statues that are typically
of low quality and poor workmanship. In spite of the famed region
of Carrara in north-west Italy from where the marble originates, the region
had become by the middle of the 20th century a sweat-shop of
milquetoast replicas and global factory of exploited labor that annually
produced a massive amount of mediocre sculptures like the studio of Professor
Nelli who reportedly created the statue in Boston. Information from testimonials
of descendants from the marble suppliers (Benedetti &#38;amp; Bonatti) and statue installers
(Norwood Monumental Works) commissioned by Arthur Stivaletta confirm this. Ironically,
even in the October
21st, 1979 Inauguration Pamphlet, a comparative
analysis between the cover image and the actual statue illustrates the
extent of lies and consistent pattern of deception of Columbus Park: the public
pamphlet displays a completely different image of a famed Columbus statue from
the 19th century on its front cover. It was a sculpture from one of
the oldest cathedrals in Cuba, Catedral
de Nuestra Señora de la Asuncion, whose image used to make the cheap copy
for the park in Boston. 




The renaming of ‘Waterfront Park’ to ‘Columbus Park’ that
took place on Inauguration Day, October 21st, 1979 and the placement
of a statue at the very center of the park was thus not only oppressive, it was
and still is divisive. It is a contradiction to all the past efforts of
desegregation made to integrate diverse cultures and bring communities
together, it was a direct affront to the racial justice initiatives that were
desperately and urgently needed at the time. Even the original park planners
publicly objected to the renaming and were never consulted on the choice or
location of the Columbus statue. In fact, Mr. Dawson, Principal Emeritus of
Sasaki Associates, stated in a personal interview “that the location of the
statue sits precisely in a location of the park that was always intended to
remain open and unobstructed, with views to the water. This is one of the main
reasons why the historical plaque dedicated to Frank S. Christian sits flush
with the ground, off the main pathway…it is completely unobtrusive.”




In other words, the central towering statue of Columbus,
standing on top of an oversized granite base, was a trophy of Stivaletta’s ‘committee
of one.’




The events of 1979 thus trace a deceptive campaign of
disinformation, a deliberate covering up of private interest, utter corruption
of public process, and contempt for community consent. All this, to impose a figure
of Columbus on the City of Boston, in spite of numerous monuments on private
and public lands that already existed throughout the region by 1979: a statue
at Louisburg Square (c.1849), the Columbus
Avenue in Downtown Boston (c.1860), the Young Columbus sculpture at MFA
Boston (c.1870), and a statue
at St. Anthony of Padua Catholic Church in Revere (c.1892, relocated in the
1920s from the South End’s Cathedral of the Holy Cross). These examples, among
several others (like Columbus
Park in South Boston renamed Joe Moakley Park in 2001), were identified later
on and compiled in what we consider to be an important ‘green
file’ that was created by then Boston Arts Commission Director Sarah
Hutt (BAC, 1995-2007). In this file, the Director raised important questions and
considerable concerns about mounting costs associated with conservation and
restoration, as a result of the first known beheading of the Columbus statue
back in 2002, and again on 2005,
notwithstanding countless
other incidents. The file on record even includes ideas about the
relocation of the statue, raising critical questions about the statue, and its
ownership, as private property on public land.




Weaponization of Urban Space: White Supremacy &#38;amp;
Racial Division during an Era of Desegregation

Thirdly, from an urban perspective, the corruption of
public process occurred during a period of heightened
racial tensions in Boston as mentioned earlier. As you may already be aware,
those tensions were largely fueled by white fears of cultural integration and
white opposition to social equality during the 1970s; a crisis triggered by the
school desegregation program and busing policies that were federally-mandated
in 1974 and 1975. 




According to the Federal Justice system, “desegregation
was a long time coming to Boston, a Federal Court Order finally bore through
two decades of resistance. Boston was found willfully creating and perpetuating
a segregated school system.” Not only did this white boycott lead to a backlash
of violence against young Black students by instilling fear and emboldening
racism throughout the city, it increased spatial and cultural division across
the city; places that were intended to be reconnected with the desegregation of
City’s educational infrastructure. As you may also be aware, the intention of
desegregation was to achieve social justice and racial equality through just
and equal access to public education everywhere. 




By 1975 and 1979, the social
climate of Boston was heated and politically charged. In the absence of any
meaningful action to address white aggression by then Mayor
Kevin White, Senator Bill Owens from the newly-formed 



















Black Political Task Force&#38;nbsp;went so far as to declare, that “Boston is not safe
for People of Color.” 



 Forty-one years later, those same words were similarly
spoken by Monica Cannon-Grant, founder of Violence in Boston, during the
organized vigil for George Floyd and Breonna Taylor at Franklin Park, earlier in
June. As you probably know, the grounds of Franklin Park occupy an extremely
important part of Boston’s African American community and its Black landscapes.
Historically, Franklin Park was also the location where the Black
Panther Party rallied in 1969, echoing similar demands in their fight
against the chronic urban problems of systemic racism, under-representation,
and over-policing. They, too, called for the renaming of that historical space.




The renaming of the park and the placement of the statue
(including its location and its representation) serve to divide the space and
the city politically, ideologically, spatially, and culturally. It goes against
everything the city, and arguably the country, have been advocating and
fighting for since the rise of the Civil Rights movement. For four decades, the
illegitimate park and statue have also legitimized a false understanding of
history under the illusion and ideological pretense of political endorsements
from the Church, the Pope, the Knights of Columbus, business merchants, news
media, all of which are historically tied to a part of the Italian-American
community and the Catholic Church. 



Honoring Indigenous Lands &#38;amp; Black Landscapes 



The divisive nature and racialization of the park that
took place in 1979, although has since remained relatively unquestioned by news
media and local scholars, is completely and historically unacceptable. The
park’s name and statue are public displays of racist shame. The statue isthe vandalism that tarnishes this space form its imposition in late 1979. It is
a stain on spatial democracy now, as it was then. The statue and the base
should, therefore, be permanently removed. Renaming the park is paramount. 




We believe that the acknowledgement and the recognition
of historically repressed and oppressed Indigenous Nations must be centered on
lands of the Massachusett Peoples, traditional home to Nipmuc and Wampanoag Nations.
Not only is this historically important and culturally essential, it is
politically vital in the 21st century and it is long overdue. 




The City of Boston is currently in a period of tremendous
change not unlike the 1970s as we have seen before. Extremely visible are racial
and spatial injustices that target communities of Black, Indigenous, and
People of Color, and further marginalize communities of 2SLGBTQIAS+. As we have
shown, calls for racial, social, and economic justice are long overdue; they
are the frontlines of the movement for change, as
they have been for decades, not to mention, Indigenous Peoples’ resistance against
white supremacy and settler-colonial violence that are centuries old. 




Any representation in the public realm that perpetuates
the myth of the discovery of America and Columbus’ civilizing mission is not
only wrong, it
is oppressive and it is dehumanizing. These representations and these
monuments trigger the recollection and the embodiment of extreme racial
violence inflicted on Indigenous Peoples from these lands that are entangled
with Black, Enslaved Peoples from Africa. That’s what the visibly-combined
opposition to the Columbus statue in 2015 represents.




Across generations, these representations embolden the
sense of political self-righteousness and economic domination entrenched by European
descendants of Americans, especially those with Italian, French, British,
Dutch, Portuguese, and Spanish imperial descent. These representations in the
public realm reinforce the myth of racial superiority i.e. white supremacy. It
breeds a climate of hate, much like the way that Arthur
Stivaletta burned the flag of Iran in front of the Columbus statue a few
days after the inauguration in 1979. These myths privilege the hierarchy of
their European history over others, through the distortion of historical facts
and truths. These myths favor illusions based on romantic fantasy and
racialized ideology that have shaped and formed the founding of this settler-colonial
nation. The myth of white supremacy also serves to erase the very real, daily
existence and ways of living of Black and Indigenous Peoples (including their
histories, ways of living, and patterns of political organization) that have
been destroyed or continue to be subjugated by structures of colonization existing
to this day; spatial and material structures that are visibly maintained and upheld
across the urban landscape of the City of Boston by the descendants of colonial
settlers, otherwise known as settler-colonialism. 




The persistence of the myth of white supremacy in the
egregious misrepresentation of Columbus across the United States, must stop.
And Boston, of all places, is far behind in that transformative change. It is long
overdue for the City of Boston to rethink
Columbus (as much K-12 school curricula across the nation already does).
The Mayor’s Office and the City Council must take a stand against these
dangerous misrepresentations by taking these symbols down. They have to be
permanently removed from the public realm, making room for the acknowledgement,
affirmation, and actualization of historically marginalized communities and
underrepresented nations whose voices have been silenced and existence erased
for far too long.




If public investment will move away from over-policing
and over-incarceration, it clearly needs to center restorative justice that counterbalances
and affirms the support, in form of servicing the needs of historically
under-serviced and marginalized citizens. 




Boston is, of course, not alone in this socio-political
challenge. We’re all implicated in this important movement of change but we all
find ourselves in a unique, historical position to make unprecedented change
and transformation. 




In conclusion, we call upon you, Mayor Walsh, to take
this moment, to harness the cultural momentum for social and racial justice, as
well as the massive support for change that it represents, to right the wrongs
of this park for the past 41 years. Permanently remove the entire statue and rename
the park in honor of the Peoples of Massachusett who have not only been
marginalized, but have been historicized and dehumanized in so many countless
ways, including the state flag and school mascots. Every single Bostonian owes
their very existence to the care for these lands and waters by the Massachusett
Peoples for thousands of years. We have the human and legal responsibility to
honor territorial treaties, to acknowledge and honor these lands in this place
and in this time…as the sun rises above the city, the bay, and the ocean every
single day.




Amidst increasing issues of climate change, these
responsibilities unite environmental and social justice so that we can live on this
ground not only for the next 40 years, but for the next 400 years. Is there not
a better opportunity than the present to leave behind lands for the next
generation and to open up a path towards more just, transparent, and humane
future? Is this collective future not worth fighting for on the very same day
that the State Legislature will be voting on the removal of the racist state
flag and the No Mascot Bill in Massachusetts?




We implore you to consult with communities of Black,
Indigenous, and Peoples of Color that have been historically and economically
marginalized from this space (and who have advocated for change across decades)
in order to make the right decision in an open, transparent, and honorable way.
Across different communities, your action will help build relations for future
generations and leave an important mark on the city. You action will leave a
lasting imprint on the water’s edge, and commemorate the plurality of its Citizens
and its Peoples, testifying to the hope that the design of the park and the
care for these lands originally offered for its children. 




Because if not now, then when?



 



Dr. Pierre Bélanger, Landscape Architect &#38;amp;
Urban Planner (Project Co-Director)

Dr. Ghazal Jafari, Architect &#38;amp; Urban Designer
(Project Co-Director &#38;amp; Editor)

Pablo Escudero, Architect &#38;amp; Urban Designer (Project
Co-Director &#38;amp; Archival Research Lead)

Hernán Bianchi-Benguria, Urban Planner &#38;amp; Architect
(Research Advisorial Board)

Tiffany Kaewen Dang, Landscape Architect &#38;amp;
Territorial Scholar (Research Advisorial Board)

Alexander Arroyo, Environmental Designer &#38;amp; Landscape
Architect (Research Advisorial Board)

OPEN SYSTEMS (OPSYS) / LANDSCAPE INFRASTRUCTURE LAB
info@opsys.netStuart Dawson, Landscape Architect &#38;amp; Urban Planner, Principal Emeritus, Sasaki Associates




	



















Addendum:&#38;nbsp;Finding Aid &#38;amp; Document Archive – A Chronology of Events at Christopher Columbus Park 1959-2020(634KB)
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		<link>https://opsys.cargo.site/manifesto</link>

		<pubDate>Sun, 20 Oct 2019 16:11:30 +0000</pubDate>

		<dc:creator>open systems</dc:creator>

		<guid isPermaLink="true">https://opsys.cargo.site/manifesto</guid>

		<description>
	

You’ve reached the basecamp of OPEN SYSTEMS. Operating under the moniker and portmanteau OPSYS®, we are a design-based, non-profit,


501(c)(3) research organization of builders, educators, and farmers, dedicated to opening systemic knowledge related to
complex, socioecological challenges and geopolitical conflicts—at the
intersection of land, water, environmental justice, spatial inequality, climate
change, community self-determination, and sovereignty. Focused on transformative
change—by goin’ upstream—main activities of our organization involve counter-cartography &#38;amp; retroactive mapping,
independent publications, pedagogical multimedia, open access initiatives, public
exhibitions, and demonstration projects. Our organization is co-founded by Alexander Arroyo, Ghazal Jafari, Hernán L. Bianchi-Benguria, Tiffany Kaewen Dang, Pablo E. Escudero, and Pierre Bélanger.

Here’s what we believe in:


1. Style Sucks. Leave your
attitude behind. 


2. Raw is Beautiful. It demands
and commands attention to process.


3. Seeing from Below. Kill the
top down view and start building new grounds, platforms, and supports for
others to succeed and for life to grow.


4. Flow, not Form. Effects and
impacts are what matter most.


5. Systems, not Style. There is
nothing worse than appearance as motivation over structure and organization as
guides.


6. Society, over State. Nationalism has nothing
to do with freedom or sovereignty.


7. Everyone is a Designer. Heroes
blow. Professional design disciplines don’t have jurisdiction over design or
authority over creativity. You have to be very smart to be dumb.


8. Prestige is the public dissemination
of domination. Resist it at all costs.


9.&#38;nbsp; People—the Power, over Plans.
The most renewable resource in the world is human energy.



10. Architecture, without Architects. Builders,
contractors, constructors, craftworkers, artisans, are much more trustworthy.


11. Ecology, not Order. Lines
serve to divide by class, gender, and race. Build relations and alliances by
thickening peripheries, expanding margins, cultivating the unseen, and the
erased, to eventually displace the dominant center. 


12. ︎
Plants. ︎ Concrete
(avoid it at all cost, except for skateparks).
Work with Everything that is Live, Living, and Alive. Plants, waters, and
everything in between, are sentient, breathing beings. 


13. Right angles R 4 square heads.
Embrace the non-Euclidean, non-algebraic field. It induces, attracts, illicits
gathering and collectivity.


14. A walled-world is not worth
living. Instead of the borders and barriers upheld by walls that exclude,
engage and enjoy with the transitional horizontality of edges, hedges,
perimeters, zones, ecotones, thresholds, transitions.


15. Embrace the unseen and the
ephemeral. It can be visceral.


16. Theory is for the Blind. Stop footnoting
what others write. Say it for yourself and own what you say. Build a thesis, embody
it.


17. Do, What You Say. And do it
yourself, tip-to-toe.


18. Contingency, instead of Control. Knowledge and
strategy is relational and conditional.


19. Be Open, Imprecise, Uncertain…it
leaves room for others to enter and complete your work. At that point, it becomes
their own. Let go and don’t be afraid to give your ideas away. There’s an
endless supply of them from where they came from.


20. Be Suspicious. Everything is
Suspect, including Yourself. 


21. “Pick Fights, Work for Free,
Break the Law” doesn’t mean giving yourself away, it means being committed to
fighting for what is just and harness the privilege we all carry to transform the
present.


22. Unbuild the Over-Engineered,
and stop adding more shit to the pile. Destroy, demolish, rebuild.


23. Urbanism, without Urbanists.&#38;nbsp;(or, how else
do 7 billion people wake up in the morning?)



24. Climate Change is Inseparable
from Settler-Colonialism. Fuck Geo-Engineering, Mega-Projects, Techno-Fixes. We don’t need
more heroes let alone more widgets. “Change the System,”* not the Climate. 
(*Clayton Thomas-Muller)


25. Imagine living in a world
where you live (literally) above the water that you drink.


26. We are guests on these lands.
Our right to stay is (was) never guaranteed. That privilege must be cultivated, renewed,
replenished.


27. Undesign the World by
Unmapping it. Destroy all the categories of settler-colonial state space even
if that means never making a map, let alone a legend, ever again.


28. Fight the Power. Reject
Authority. Confront Authority. Defy Leadership, and stop following others. Horizontality
breeds so much unpredictable potential. If you’re told not to do something,
it’s a good sign that you should do it. Organize.


29. Break the Law. If you’re not
transgressing predominant, patriarchal structures of the colonial élite or of white
supremacy, you’re not doing anything new. It’s hard labor, but rewarding, retroactive work.


30. Embrace Rejection. The more
you fail, the stronger you get. Your mind gets sharper and your body more
committed.&#38;nbsp;


31. Love is a Reckoning Force.
Design is a gift, not something to monetize. It’s always about giving, always
has been. Give everything you have to dish out. There’s no point if there is no
sacrifice. Avoid the cliques, clubs, and institutions—the exploiters—who only take.


32. Aim for the Impossible (or sometimes, the Obvious).
Without that, nothing can happen. 


33. When we Draw, We Fight…so
when doing research, ask yourself: what (or who) exactly are you fighting for? Lines connect, as much as they can divide.


34. It takes two to make a Treaty.
Acknowledge, embody, and own up to that responsibility because all lands are
Treaty Lands. It’s essential for the kind of world you will leave behind for
the next generations. That’s who you are accountable to.


35. Be a Trojan Horse, work from
the Inside and the Outside. The only way to operate in today’s world, a world
of systems of systems, is to be a double agent: an accomplice, a Robin Hood, a Joan-of-Arc.
Avoid the savior complex (we shouldn’t have to say this). Work and run within
institutions like Run Lola Run, but don’t forget who you are, a resister with a
double agenda for the outside. If that fails, turn away. Work from the woods,
or in the margins. Find the cracks.


36. If all else Fails, Improvise, and Hack the
shit out of it…make it up as you go along, it might actually stick at some
point, as long as you’re committed. Know what you don’t want to do, and do
something else until it gels and congeals.


37. Just Get Shit Done…stop
talking about doing things and make them happen. Start small, scale down, make
small models really fast, learn to fail faster, then scale up or scale down.
It’s better to count your mistakes in minutes, then in years. Trust that others
will contribute, add, modify, revise, inform, and transform what you do.


38. Whatever you do, Be Kind Doing
It, and always give thanks to those who help you along the way (even if they’re no longer here). Gratitude is circular
and reciprocal. Kindness and care, contagious.


/////////

Questions, comments, inquiries? 
Drop us a line: info@opsys.net &#38;nbsp;

&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;
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2024 Creative Commons.
Attribution, yaaass—Share Alike, of course—Non-Commercial, no kidding—No Derivs, got it? Don’t steal FFS, get inspired.



Made on Traditional Lands, Airs, and Waters of the Massachusett Peoples, unceded
and unsurrendered territory of the Wampanoag, Aquinnah, and Nipmuc Nations (Treaty of
Casco 1698-1703, Treaty of Portsmouth 1713, Treaty of Boston 1725)
	








</description>
		
	</item>
		
		
	<item>
		<title>media</title>
				
		<link>https://opsys.cargo.site/media</link>

		<pubDate>Sat, 30 Nov 2019 21:13:56 +0000</pubDate>

		<dc:creator>open systems</dc:creator>

		<guid isPermaLink="true">https://opsys.cargo.site/media</guid>

		<description>






A BOTANY OF VIOLENCE
Across 529 Years of Resistance &#38;amp; Resurgence


After 5 years of collaborative research and working through the COVID-19 pandemic, we’re proud to share our new publication with GOFF Books, A Botany of Violence. A small but dense format with over 300 original archival images spread across a visual timeline of five centuries, ending with two essays, the book weaves a revisionist history of the cinchona plant, global pharma, colonial extraction, labor exploitation, and resistance movements in the Central Andes.&#38;nbsp;

Back cover:&#38;nbsp;
From germ theory to plantation logic, this book tracks 529 years of global, colonial powers in the violent search for the elusive Cinchona plant of South America. Smuggled and stolen by the Jesuits and the Spanish Monarchy in the 17th century, transplanted by Britain and Holland in India and Indonesia during the 18th century, mapped by German explorer Alexander von Humboldt in the 19th century, weaponized by the U.S. in the 20th century, and monopolized by global pharma in the 21st century, the story of the Cinchona plant—the tree called ‘fever’—literally lies at the base of modern civilization. The quest to find the cure for malaria and to control the production of quinine as seen in the corporate monopoly in Africa today also traces deep roots of territorial dispossession and labor exploitation that lie between the Amazon and the Andes. 

Behind the mask of heritage preservation and resource conservation, five centuries of graphic evidence put into sharp relief the uneven scales of racialized, gendered violence that are rooted in territorial injustices and underpinned by state nationalism. Bringing the map and the territory closer together, state-sanctioned policies of resource extraction and environmental destruction are interwoven with contemporary narratives of sovereignty and self-determination. Like a geopolitical treatise, the archival activism of this book rebuilds relations with the Cinchona plant, by reclaiming territorial histories of its peoples and its ancestral lands to confront the oppressive structures of the settler-state. Overlooked, suppressed, and marginalized, the long history of resistance movements and rebellions led by Indigenous and Afro-Latina women not only reveals the settler-colonial force of the nation-state. Their contemporary resurgence in the 21st century proposes a counter-map: a way challenge to the plague of violence and weaponization of resources of the past five centuries and its transformation into a regenerative flora of the future.




“From fact to fiction to fable, the scientific and taxonomic epistemologies of 
the Cinchona plant are rooted in longstanding forms of imperial conquest and economic appropriation, as well as cultural construction and scientific misinterpretation. And to be sure, the dehumanizing holism of German explorer 
Alexander von Humboldt’s hegemonic universalism, his trite naturalism, performative 
humanism, regional romance, equatorial fetish, and missionary lust lie 
at its very core.”






































A Botany of Violence is available from the publisher, GOFF Books (an
imprint of ORO Editions), independent design bookstores worldwide, and all
major booksellers online. The book was reviewed by landscape scholar Rod
Barnett (Māori) in Places Journal (March 2023), “The&#38;nbsp;Dog
Barks.”




















&#60;img width="1200" height="806" width_o="1200" height_o="806" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/4112d978f5b6dc005a32b0e880f372eecabb7bb62f35345cc3f90d079f104399/BOV_front-cover_s.jpg" data-mid="160914941" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/4112d978f5b6dc005a32b0e880f372eecabb7bb62f35345cc3f90d079f104399/BOV_front-cover_s.jpg" /&#62;








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A pre-launch of A Botany of Violence was accompanied by the exhibition
and symposium Towards
a Flora of the Future: An Initiative on Forensic Botany, Climate Activism,
Territorial Justice, and Liberatory Feminism at University of Virginia
School of Architecture in early 2022, following the launch of an online
multimedia platform for the book &#38;amp; exhibition archive: floradelfutu.ro.
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THE WRITING ON THE WALL


An Open Letter to Rem Koolhaas &#38;amp; the Guggenheim Museum&#38;nbsp;


Initiated by a coalition of Indigenous and non-Indigenous scholars from the Global South, this Open Letter confronts the curatorial team of Countryside, The Future to issue a public apology for the ignorant and racist claims to self-indigenization exhibited on the walls at the Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum between February 20, 2020 and February 15, 2021.




“Widespread throughout the exhibition and accompanying publication are several strategies of dispossession premised on extraction, erasure, and race-shifting. Not only are they the result of cultural extraction of traditional Indigenous knowledge, but their content is premised on the systemic erasure and evacuation of Indigenous Peoples, and the myth of white supremacy that presumes everyone at some point in time and place was Native. This is settler-colonial tradecraft.”




As a call to stop cultural appropriation, race-shifting, &#38;amp; self-indigenization, t
he contents of the letter 

(including the online public petition)

released on January 17th, 2022 can be found online in English &#38;amp; Spanish: whiteskinwhitewallswhiteli.es &#38;nbsp;


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c.1993


Pretexts, Subtexts, Contexts in Struggles for Environmental Justice






















In collaboration with students at Cornell University for the 2021 Landscape Conference, we brought
together writings from the past 25 years by authors, artists, and activists whose
work is dedicated to environmental justice. Retroactively challenging the focus
of design disciplines on the future, these essential readings (organized around the year 1993) focus on grounding design in
the present.


“this work of repatriation in the academy, is not about victimization or blame games. It’s about the acknowledgement and resolution of real and tangible crimes so that a future truly is worth living.”









From Kofi Boone’s “Black Landscapes Matter” (2020) and Rod
Barnett’s “Designing Indian Country” (2016), to Leanne Betasamosake Simpson’s “Land
as Pedagogy” (2004) and Deborah Miranda’s “Teaching on Stolen Ground” (2007),
as well as Austin Allen’s “Claiming Open Spaces” (1994) and Kimberlé Crenshaw’s “Mapping
the Margins” (1993), the compilation of multimedia texts challenge 

the current historiographies, methodologies, narratives, and rhetorical devices of landscape architecture (and its allied disiciplines) as they have been taught since its foundation in the mid-19th century in
America and 16-18th centuries in Europe. The compilation purposefully confronts disicplinary histories that deny, erase, and actively suppress the
violence of settler-colonialism at the moment that lands &#38;amp; labor were being (and continue to be) stolen from nations and communities of Black, Indigenous, and People of Color. 






Confronting struggles for environmental justice that
crystallized in the mid 1980s from the fallout of Anglo-American environmentalism in the 1970s,
the readings expose the complicity of settler-colonial heteropatriarchy intrinsic to and denied
the professions, disciplines, and institutions of design in preserving histories and maintaining structures of white supremacy.&#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp;


“Almost alone among the key players of this century’s history, the landscape remains silent. But in truth it may be the most expert witness of all. In its broadest sense, ‘landscape’ is a stage on which struggles occur—where humans extract resources from the earth, suburbs drain people and wealth from cities, and territory is contested between warring groups. Landscape is also a kind of slate upon which the evidence of culture, habitation, and labor is written and may be read.”









If the fields of design are wholly and utterly unprepared for
the massive political change and demographic shift that is underway in this
generation, the lens of these authors offer up a core, spatial question for designers:
how can you change, shape or influence the future if you consistently
misunderstand and misread the present?






For an introduction by the curators of the c.1993 compilation, see “LANDSCAPE AS RESISTANCE: Pretexts,
Subtexts, Contexts in Struggles for Environmental Justice.” As bibliography, pedagogy, and curricula for this next generation of landscape architects, the entire compilation of downloadable texts and archive of viewwable media can be accessed through linktr.ee/c1993





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EL TRATADO DEL QUINO
Renewing Relations 
with the Quino Tree

at the Center of the World
by Decolonizing Quinine

&#38;amp; the Global Discourse

on Conservation

From germ theory to plantation
logic, this exhibition charts the 497-year legacy of global, colonial powers in the
violent search for the elusive Cinchona plant of South America in the cure for
malaria. Stolen by the Jesuits in the 17th century, smuggled abroad by Britain
and Holland during the 18th century, mapped by German explorer Alexander von
Humboldt in the 19th century, and exploited by global pharma in the 20th
century, the story of the Cinchona plant—and of its powerful quinine extract—not only lies at the base of modern civilization but traces the deep roots of
Indigenous, territorial resistance back to the Amazon and the Andes. Composed
as a geopolitical treatise, this initiative proposes a countermap to rebuild
relations with the Cinchona plant—originally known to its peoples as the “Quino
tree”—and to challenge territorial destruction and gendered violence that continue to increase
amidst state-sanctioned resource extraction, economic inequality, and benevolent conservation.






















“Since the beginning of our life as a people, this territory

has been our supermarket, our pharmacy, our hardware

store. Our ancestors were born and buried here. Our

connection to this place is deeper than the state’s. We
should be managing it and protecting it.”


Produced
by LA MINGA Collaborative, NOT YOUR AMAZON, and OPSYS Media, this
initiative involves a program of events coming in 2021 and 2022 including an exhibition,
publication, and conference that coincide with the 18th Venice
Architecture Biennale in Italy (2021) and the Quito Pan-American Architecture
Biennial (2022) in Ecuador.
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&#60;img width="2198" height="1694" width_o="2198" height_o="1694" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/b2c284972f764c40ad0e7b6b189e7aca7c640c05836939cbc37966f581c1224d/Screen-Shot-2021-05-21-at-2.34.11-PM.png" data-mid="109152277" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/b2c284972f764c40ad0e7b6b189e7aca7c640c05836939cbc37966f581c1224d/Screen-Shot-2021-05-21-at-2.34.11-PM.png" /&#62;



CONFRONTING COLUMBUS
The Weaponization of Urban Space &#38;amp; Racialization of the Public Sphere in Boston
In a period of less than six months in 1979 at the height of federally-mandated school desegregation in Boston, a public park originally designed as a children’s playground and built with the intention of reducing social and economic inequalities, nearly three decades in the making between 1949 and 1976—with more than $60 million in federal and municipal funds notwithstanding the involvement of hundreds of people and diverse communities to open access to the water—was coopted by a small committee of private interests whose corrupt efforts resulted in the deceitful renaming of the park to edify a violent, genocidal killer and unsanctioned placement of a statue of that, since then, has fueled 40 years of racial division, historical deception, and socio-political confrontation. 

See the Open Letter to Boston Mayor Marty Walsh to learn more about the lies and deception that took place in the hot summer of 1979. Launching a multi-year initiative&#38;nbsp;The 1492 Project&#38;nbsp;after more than 5 years of research, this letter comes with a 22-page Archival Resource Guide that comprehensively documents corruption of public process in the renaming of Waterfront Park and placement of the Christopher Columbus statue on October 23rd, 1979. An earlier story and tweet thread, “Confronting Columbus,” was posted online on June 12th, 2020 following the beheading of the Columbus statue on the night of June 10th, 2020, and its subsequent removal from the park, two days later on Friday, June 12th, to Shaughnessy &#38;amp; Ahern’s Warehouse in South Boston. A series of public hearings were subsequently planned over the next few months by the Boston Art Commission to assess what the Mayor of Boston has argued as the ‘historical meaning’ of the statue and park.
&#60;img width="1280" height="1383" width_o="1280" height_o="1383" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/4dec2a0838de0d0f0562009ab7d901b1c3bcd13aa6566a53806cd15ac76285be/CC44_2015_BlackLivesMatter.jpg" data-mid="79921128" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/4dec2a0838de0d0f0562009ab7d901b1c3bcd13aa6566a53806cd15ac76285be/CC44_2015_BlackLivesMatter.jpg" /&#62;&#60;img width="1600" height="1504" width_o="1600" height_o="1504" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/c65e15935035a4128d06e8ee0326688d45b914e7625faaf1d91df42b8e9ac94e/image002.jpg" data-mid="79921137" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/c65e15935035a4128d06e8ee0326688d45b914e7625faaf1d91df42b8e9ac94e/image002.jpg" /&#62;



NO DESIGN ON STOLEN LAND
Dismantling Design’s Dehumanizing
White Supremacy



Every
single building site – from a house to a highway – benefits from the
exploitation of a capitalist property regime built on the back of broken
treaties. These sites are not only taken from stolen lands and unceded
territories, they are the spatial products of a violent structure
and system of settler-colonialism that displaced and continue to dispossess indigenous
peoples through more than 500 years of territorial injustices. Mundus Novus. Terra Nullius.&#38;nbsp;Doctrine of Discovery. Manifest Destiny.


















“...the oppressive system of
settler colonialism is now normalised through contemporary urbanism, precisely because of the ‘denigration of Indigenous
culture. Basically, it’s racism … systemic, institutional, individual,
interpersonal racism.’ As Deborah A
Miranda writes in Teaching on Stolen Ground (2007), ‘genocide depends upon
the appropriation of the identity of the colonized by the colonizer.’”
This special edition booklet features a longform essay originally published in a January 2020 issue of Architectural Design (AD) Magazine titled “The Landscapists.”

&#60;img width="4320" height="3024" width_o="4320" height_o="3024" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/29af135c0af6f7a6de4c9e7e6afb904dd0a4c0c69e78ccd36d3c33ddff353609/ndsl-cover.png" data-mid="160926123" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/29af135c0af6f7a6de4c9e7e6afb904dd0a4c0c69e78ccd36d3c33ddff353609/ndsl-cover.png" /&#62;&#60;img width="2016" height="1512" width_o="2016" height_o="1512" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/ecf74f2fb3a905beff847ba447154a04211f40b47c6f3ea695a74833afb62476/8.jpg" data-mid="160918919" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/ecf74f2fb3a905beff847ba447154a04211f40b47c6f3ea695a74833afb62476/8.jpg" /&#62;&#60;img width="3264" height="2448" width_o="3264" height_o="2448" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/2bc488816e324da5ff5db645f46b5b4fa74b8f63e73c09d76d140e29ba91c956/IMG_0429.JPG" data-mid="56905462" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/2bc488816e324da5ff5db645f46b5b4fa74b8f63e73c09d76d140e29ba91c956/IMG_0429.JPG" /&#62;
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&#60;img width="2016" height="1512" width_o="2016" height_o="1512" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/8ef8bd579aae40c673374143b09606c17c008afe43914c7a30820f4e2e46c7bd/6.jpg" data-mid="160925364" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/8ef8bd579aae40c673374143b09606c17c008afe43914c7a30820f4e2e46c7bd/6.jpg" /&#62;


DAMN IT!
The Beaver Manifesto







A counter-colonial proposal for the site of Central Park as retroactive space for the unleashing of the beaver as the quintessential landscape architect of climate change for the 21st century. Here, Central Park—including its Victorian-era vestiges &#38;amp; racist monuments—becomes a boneyard of settler colonialism &#38;amp; blueprint for the imminent retrocession of lands of the Lenape-Delaware Peoples and the Indigenous territories of the once and future legacy of National Parks it camouflages.





“Central Park belongs no more to the City—either of New York, or of New Yorkers—than National Parks belong to the State—of America, 
or of Americans.”
&#60;img width="2981" height="2009" width_o="2981" height_o="2009" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/752677c25781cfd621d61aa52626000e26aa32f3171fcb011a40951fb801ecef/damnit-lep_bl.png" data-mid="160971789" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/752677c25781cfd621d61aa52626000e26aa32f3171fcb011a40951fb801ecef/damnit-lep_bl.png" /&#62;&#60;img width="3456" height="2406" width_o="3456" height_o="2406" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/caa14fc58b401ff4b4f9a5012b2c22fd457f03d3b7cf3171a1c2cafc45f32d3b/IMG_7298.JPG" data-mid="160928357" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/caa14fc58b401ff4b4f9a5012b2c22fd457f03d3b7cf3171a1c2cafc45f32d3b/IMG_7298.JPG" /&#62;


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&#60;img width="812" height="456" width_o="812" height_o="456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/57b5ea59de95f97143d13f50d65f3afb935d89128517ff27e760c2fdec6cbd4e/Screen-Shot-2019-12-14-at-3.54.12-PM.png" data-mid="56655017" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/812/i/57b5ea59de95f97143d13f50d65f3afb935d89128517ff27e760c2fdec6cbd4e/Screen-Shot-2019-12-14-at-3.54.12-PM.png" /&#62;





EXTRACTION EMPIREUndermining the Systems, States, &#38;amp; Scales of 
Canada’s
Global Resource Empire 2017–1217












Extraction is the process and practice that defines Canada, at home and abroad.
Of the nearly 20,000 mining projects in the world from Africa to Latin America,
more than half are Canadian operated. Not only does the mining economy employ
close to 400,000 people in Canada, it contributed $57 billion CAD to Canada's
GDP in 2014 alone. Globally, more than 75 percent of the world's mining firms
are based in Canada. The scale of these statistics naturally extends the logic
of Canada's historical legacy as state, nation, and now as global resource
empire. Canada, once a far-flung northern outpost of the British Empire, has
become an empire in its own right. Published by MIT Press with funding from the Graham Foundation, this book examines both the historic and
contemporary Canadian culture of extraction, with essays, interviews, archival
material, and multimedia visualizations. 





&#60;img width="2580" height="1866" width_o="2580" height_o="1866" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/035160cda7a1fa1509d21c9d11356639b02ba6e5e64df4b8b5ff70acb3edaf99/ex-cover.png" data-mid="160920267" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/035160cda7a1fa1509d21c9d11356639b02ba6e5e64df4b8b5ff70acb3edaf99/ex-cover.png" /&#62;


&#60;img width="3264" height="2448" width_o="3264" height_o="2448" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/76b73369681655a236c7a49d6ff2f3c4a692998452ee5f4b0c1183a4b89825a0/Photo-Feb-04--10-52-53-AM.jpg" data-mid="56585933" border="0" data-scale="100" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/76b73369681655a236c7a49d6ff2f3c4a692998452ee5f4b0c1183a4b89825a0/Photo-Feb-04--10-52-53-AM.jpg" /&#62;

&#60;img width="3264" height="2448" width_o="3264" height_o="2448" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/35010cb040e9de4f8d432c657089eb25fe72293bbbcd6e065be8ce24deb8414c/Photo-Feb-04--10-54-03-AM.jpg" data-mid="56585936" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/35010cb040e9de4f8d432c657089eb25fe72293bbbcd6e065be8ce24deb8414c/Photo-Feb-04--10-54-03-AM.jpg" /&#62;&#60;img width="3264" height="2448" width_o="3264" height_o="2448" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/a351afcf4741b4948968e1fa55b707f08242fbb9b0d2e5407a43b24b7778f754/Photo-Feb-04--10-54-29-AM.jpg" data-mid="56585938" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/a351afcf4741b4948968e1fa55b707f08242fbb9b0d2e5407a43b24b7778f754/Photo-Feb-04--10-54-29-AM.jpg" /&#62;&#60;img width="3264" height="2448" width_o="3264" height_o="2448" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/d43ea44b3d79ceb20ac509ffedf474516dc2628a203117e6444a7f8afb54409e/Photo-Feb-04--10-54-49-AM.jpg" data-mid="56585939" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/d43ea44b3d79ceb20ac509ffedf474516dc2628a203117e6444a7f8afb54409e/Photo-Feb-04--10-54-49-AM.jpg" /&#62;
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EXTRACTION @ Google Arts &#38;amp; Culture
See the permanent online exhibition of the
making, research, team, collaborators, and the finale of EXTRACTION and the
Canadian Pavilion at the Google Cultural Institute featuring
an array of media and materials never before seen beyond the grounds of the
exhibition in Venice.


&#60;img width="2935" height="2935" width_o="2935" height_o="2935" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/a490486a149b502a836e683c780c8c7efd8530eeec1e062ee4397f9c8af68931/EX_GCI_Permanent-Exhibition.png" data-mid="55750182" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/a490486a149b502a836e683c780c8c7efd8530eeec1e062ee4397f9c8af68931/EX_GCI_Permanent-Exhibition.png" /&#62;
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VENICE
ARCHITECTURE BIENNALE








Opening a wider lens on the cultures of
extraction, the project intends to develop a deeper discourse on the complex
ecologies and territory of resource extraction. From gravel to gold, across
highways and circuit boards, every single aspect of contemporary urban life
today is mediated by mineral resources. Through the multimedia language of
film, print, and exhibition, the landscape of resource extraction—from
exploration, to mining, to processing, to construction, to recycling, to
reclamation—can be explored and revealed as the bedrock of contemporary urban
life. The Extraction Exhibition was part of the 15th edition of the Venice Architecture Biennale, with archive feed on Twitter and Instagram.

“Not only do imperial colonial powers redefine territories, they also breed new empires, replaying their cycles of dissemination and domination 
over 
and over again.”&#38;nbsp;—Suzanne Zeller, 










“The Colonial World 
as Geological Metaphor: Strata(gems) of Empire in Victorian Canada,” 2001
&#60;img width="2938" height="1877" width_o="2938" height_o="1877" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/71538cf11b09a8e12dfe2e79221d2af3c742e537be574b9caebbd5bf95f3a3dc/ex-booklet-cover.png" data-mid="160920710" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/71538cf11b09a8e12dfe2e79221d2af3c742e537be574b9caebbd5bf95f3a3dc/ex-booklet-cover.png" /&#62;&#60;img width="4565" height="1772" width_o="4565" height_o="1772" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/f8b0b563907646f20907457def140496faf8e8128fccb5487fa92a7bf6e34b85/2016-05-03_Final_Verona_Cover-1_90.jpg" data-mid="160928627" border="0" data-scale="100" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/f8b0b563907646f20907457def140496faf8e8128fccb5487fa92a7bf6e34b85/2016-05-03_Final_Verona_Cover-1_90.jpg" /&#62;

&#60;img width="1398" height="1408" width_o="1398" height_o="1408" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/79b721ef5688389a2e231e152aab03e792adaa1c1f258214b974313341ef22e1/2_EX_Aerial_rs.jpg" data-mid="160933085" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/79b721ef5688389a2e231e152aab03e792adaa1c1f258214b974313341ef22e1/2_EX_Aerial_rs.jpg" /&#62;
CANADIAN PAVILION
in Venice, recognized &#38;amp; awarded by the Canadian Society of Landscape Architects, Azure Magazine, and
the Ontario Association of Landscape
Architects. Read the reviews by Robert Enright "What's At Stake"
in Border Crossings Magazine, "Confronting our National Demons"
by Fionn Macleod in The Walrus, and "The Limits of the Plan"
by Maitiú Ward in Foreground Magazine.

&#60;img width="2422" height="2022" width_o="2422" height_o="2022" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/e7ff89ed017e55520ac9974684765dba831661d458bb30f9544d5758d19f63b5/ex-booklet-2.png" data-mid="160920657" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/e7ff89ed017e55520ac9974684765dba831661d458bb30f9544d5758d19f63b5/ex-booklet-2.png" /&#62;






NEW GEOGRAPHIES 09&#38;nbsp;
Posthuman
This 9th issue of New Geographies Journal surveys the urban
environments shaping the more-than-human geographies of the early 21st century,
as well as spaces, systems, and scales of conflict, violence, and exploitation.
This interpretation is fueled by awareness of the historical instrumentality of
both geography and design (as disciplinary fields and spatial worldviews) in
the delineation and pursuit of new “frontiers” serving the ambition for end­less
expansion of the human empire. With
this in mind, geographic and design thinking are here mobilized in a different
direction: namely, as an interpretive lens through which to trace how those
crises and historical circumstances that have destabilized the inherited schema
of the human manifest themselves spatially—how they are indexed by the complex
geographical formations of the contemporary built environment. Ultimately, posthuman
ask: where can sites of resistance and hope possibly emerge? NG09 is published by&#38;nbsp;ACTAR with support of the Graham Foundation for Advanced Studies in the Fine Arts.

“Settler
States, former metropoles, and postcolonies are all hunted by the specter of
colonialism—the geographic, architectural, epistemic, and historical framework
of dehumanization, slavery, and extraction. Ruins and ruinations are spatial
and temporal. In this epoch, they exist in the more the more-than-human and
less-than-nature landscapes, and in the discourses on history and time deployed
to justify, challenge, and make sense of them. … Here, the human is not the
problem to move beyond. Like the dystopian ruins that has already been the fact
of life for Indigenous peoples for centuries, it is a condition that must be
inhabited and nurtured so that our voices can carry to the future.”—Eli
Nelson, “Walking to the Future in the Steps of Our Ancestors,” 2018







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THE MISSING 400 
On the Erasure of Women from the Urban
Environment&#38;nbsp;


An open-source book produced in collaboration with Hélène Cixous. This book accompanies an 8-minute videographic essay that
re-examines the institutional structures of sexism and historical roots of
racism in architecture that have led to the systematic erasure of women from
the design disciplines of the built environment. The multimedia project features a live diagram
that maps out the names of over 800 women, whose lives—as designers, builders,
writers, historians, photographers, philanthropists, and more—have shaped over
800 years of urban history. Narrated by Hélène Cixous, one of the most
influential feminist authors in the world, with Ghazal Jafari. As part of this project, the original list of
women compiled since its creation in 2016 has expanded to over 800 names and
will continue to grow over time as a live
document. An original
performance of this project was staged with students at the Harvard
Graduate School of Design on October 28, 2016. The content of the book is based on an
original Open Letter written to Charles Jencks and published on October 7, 2016. The special edition of the book includes a poster that maps out the lives of over 800 women creators and shapers of the built environment across the past 800 years.


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LANDSCAPE AS INFRASTRUCTURE

As ecology becomes the new engineering, the projection of landscape as
infrastructure—the contemporary alignment of the disciplines of landscape
architecture, civil engineering, and urban planning— has become pressing.
Predominant challenges facing urban regions and territories today—including
shifting climates, material flows, and population mobilities, are addressed and
strategized here. Responding to the under-performance of master planning and
over-exertion of technological systems at the end of twentieth century, this Routledge Landscape book argues for the strategic design of "infrastructural ecologies,"
describing a synthetic landscape of living, biophysical systems that operate as
urban infrastructures to shape and direct the future of urban economies and
cultures into the 21st century.
See Gale Fulton's Book
Review in&#38;nbsp;Landscape Architecture Magazine. The book is originally based on a preliminary essay published in Landscape Journal.
“The outstanding feature
of the modern cultural landscape is the dominance of pathways over settlements.
… The pathways of modern life are also corridors of power, with power being
understood in both its technological and political senses. By channeling the
circula­tion of people, goods, and messages, they have transformed spatial
relations by establish­ing lines of force that are privileged over the places
and people left outside those lines.”


—Rosalind Williams, “Cultural Origins and
Environmental Implications of Large Infrastructural Systems,” 1993







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ECOLOGIES OF POWER
Countermapping the Logistical Landscapes and Military Geographies of the U.S. Department of Defense
This
book is not about war, nor is it a history of war. Avoiding the shock and awe
of wartime images, it explores the contemporary spatial configurations of power
camouflaged in the infrastructures, environments, and scales of military
operations. Instead of wartime highs, this book starts with drawdown lows, when
demobilization and decommissioning morph into realignment and prepositioning.
It is in this transitional milieu that the full material magnitudes and
geographic entanglements of contemporary militarism are laid bare. Through this
perpetual cycle of build up and breakdown, the U.S. Department of Defense—the
single largest developer, landowner, equipment contractor, and energy consumer
in the world—has engineered a planetary assemblage of “operational
environments” in which militarized, demilitarized, and non-militarized
landscapes are increasingly inextricable.



Through a series of critical
cartographic essays, the book traces this footprint
far beyond the battlefield, countermapping the geographies of U.S. militarism
across five of the most important and embattled operational environments: the
ocean, the atmosphere, the highway, the city, and the desert. From the Indian
Ocean atoll of Diego Garcia to the defense-contractor archipelago around
Washington, D.C.; from the A01 Highway circling Afghanistan's high-altitude
steppe to surveillance satellites pinging the planet from low-earth orbit; and
from the vast cold chain conveying military perishables worldwide to the global
constellation of military dumps, sinks, and scrapyards, the book unearths the
logistical infrastructures and residual landscapes that render strategy
spatial, militarism material, and power operational. In so doing, the book reveals unseen ecologies of power at work in the making and unmaking of
environments—operational, built, and otherwise—to come.

See the review by Rob Holmes at Journal of Architectural Education, Dr. Jack Adam MacLennan at Air &#38;amp; Space Power Journal, by Marion Clare Birch
at Journal of Medicine, Conflict and Survival, by Régine
Debatty at We Make Money Not Art, or by Christopher Kinsey at International Affairs. Published by MIT Press, Ecologies of Power is the recipient of The 2017 John Brinckerhoff Jackson Book Prize.
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WET MATTER
The ocean remains a glaring blind spot in the Western imagination. Catastrophic events remind us of its influence—a lost airplane, a shark attack, an oil spill, an underwater earthquake—but we tend to marginalize or misunderstand the scales of the oceanic. It represents the “other 71 percent” of our planet. Meanwhile, like land, its surface and space continue to be radically instrumentalized: offshore zones territorialized by nation-states, high seas crisscrossed by shipping routes, estuaries metabolized by effluents, sea levels sensed by satellites, seabeds lined with submarines and plumbed for resources. As sewer, conveyor, battlefield, or mine, the ocean is a vast logistical landscape. Whether we speak of fishing zones or fish migration, coastal resilience or tropical storms, the ocean is both a frame for regulatory controls and a field of uncontrollable, indivisible processes. To characterize the ocean as catastrophic—imperiled environment, coastal risk, or contested territory—is to overlook its potential power.

The environments and mythologies of the ocean continue to support contemporary urban life in ways unseen and unimagined. The oceanic project—like the work of Marie Tharp, who mapped the seafloor in the shadows of Cold War star scientists—challenges the dry, closed, terrestrial frameworks that shape today’s industrial, corporate, and economic patterns. As contemporary civilization takes the oceanic turn, its future clearly lies beyond the purview of any head of state or space of a nation.

Published as the 39th issue of Harvard Design Magazine, Wet Matter reexamines the ocean’s historic and superficial remoteness and profiles the ocean as contemporary urban space and subject of material, political, and ecologic significance, asking how we are shaping it, and how it is shaping us.
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GOING LIVE 
From States to Systems 


If landscape is more than milieu or environment, and encompasses a deterritorialized world, then it is the contested territory, hidden actor, and secret agent of the twentieth century. Stemming from the early work of some of the most influential landscape urbanists–Frank Lloyd Wright, Ludwig Hilberseimer, Benton MacKaye, Patrick Geddes–this mini manifesto explores underdeveloped patterns and unfinished processes of urbanization at the precise moment when environmentalism began to fail and ecology emerged between the 1970s and 80s. Informed by systems thinking from the modern atomic age, this slim silver pamphlet takes inspiration from Howard T. Odum’s big green book A Tropical Rain Forest and brings alive the voices of a group of influential thinkers to exhume a body of ideas buried in the fallout of the explosion of digitalism, urbanism and deconstructivism during the early 1990s. Catalyzed by Chernobyl’s nuclear reactor meltdown, a counter-modernity and neo-urbanism emerged from the fall of the Berlin wall and the end of South African Apartheid. What happened during this concentrated era and area of change–across design, from architecture to planning–is nothing short of revolutionary.

GOING LIVE is published as the 35th edition of&#38;nbsp;Princeton Architectural Press’ Pamphlet Architecture Series. Read Amelia Taylor-Hochberg's Book Review at ARCHINECT. Since the print version of the book is now out of print and only available through used bookstores, the original color version is now available online. For the backstory and the web supplement of the book, see pa35.net

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		<title>Book_NDSL</title>
				
		<link>https://opsys.cargo.site/Book_NDSL</link>

		<pubDate>Fri, 19 Jun 2020 18:28:48 +0000</pubDate>

		<dc:creator>open systems</dc:creator>

		<guid isPermaLink="true">https://opsys.cargo.site/Book_NDSL</guid>

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	NO DESIGN ON STOLEN LAND
 Special Edition Pamphlet
Limited Print Run: 100&#38;nbsp;
$25 (incl. US Media Mail shipping)
Color print on grey bond
Hand tied, thread boundWax sealed, vellum cover

8.5” x 5.5”, 54 pages
Order at Venmo: @opsys
Please include your full mailing address, telephone #, email for postage tracking. 
Batch Printing. Allow 2-3 weeks for delivery.
For international orders via transferwise, contact: info@opsys.net
Proceeds from this limited edition booklet will go towards
Massachusetts Indigenous Peoples’ Day Initiative
(www.indigenouspeoplesdayma.org) led by
United American Indians of New England (UAINE).
♡♡♡♡♡♡

	
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